Municipal government -- United States; Peace; Political participation -- United States; Social justice; Working class -- United States
Third, there is the spirit of materialism which controls the city and
confirms the belief that, after all, brute force, a trial of physical
strength, is all that counts and the only thing worthy of admiration.
Any check on the moral consciousness is paralyzed when the belief
is once established that success is its own justification. When the
stream of this belief joins the current of class interest, the spirit
of the prize fighters’ ring which cheers the best round and worships
the winner, becomes paramount. It is exactly that which appeals to
the so-called “hoodlum,” and his sudden appearance upon the street
at such times and in such surprising numbers demonstrates that he
realizes that he has come to his own. At the moment we all forget that
the determination to sacrifice all higher considerations to business
efficiency, to make the machine move smoothly at any cost, “to stick
at nothing,” may easily make a breach in the ethical constitution of
society which can be made good only by years of painful reparation.
Fourth, there is the effect upon the children and the youth of the
entire city, for the furrow of class prejudice, which is so easily run
through a plastic mind, often leaves a life-long mark. Each morning
during the long weeks of the strike, thousands of children at the more
comfortable breakfast tables learned to regard labor unions as the
inciters of riot and the instruments of evil, thousands of children
at the less comfortable breakfast tables shared the impotent rage
of their parents that “law is always on the side of capital,” and
both sets of children added to the horrors of Manchuria and Warsaw,
which were then taking place, the pleasurable excitement that war
had become domesticated upon their own streets. We may well believe
that these impressions and emotions will be kept by these children
as part of their equipment in life and that their moral conceptions
will permanently tend toward group moralities and will be cast into a
coarser mold.
In illustration of this point I may, perhaps, cite my experience during
the Spanish War.
For ten years I had lived in a neighborhood which is by no means
criminal, and yet during October and November of 1898 we were startled
by seven murders within a radius of ten blocks. A little investigation
of details and motives, the accident of a personal acquaintance with
two of the criminals, made it not in the least difficult to trace
the murders back to the influence of the war. Simple people who
read of carnage and bloodshed easily receive suggestions. Habits of
self-control which have been but slowly and imperfectly acquired
quickly break down when such a stress is put upon them.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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