When Cromwell, in January, 1655, dismissed the first Protectorate
Parliament, he left himself nothing to do but to establish his own
personal rule; in other words, he became a tyrant. Of course the word
cannot be used in the sense we use it in describing Ivan the Terrible,
or Agathokles. As each country must, sooner or later, obtain exactly
that measure of political freedom to which it is entitled, so, when it
falls under a tyranny, the tyranny must be strictly conditioned by the
character of the people. Cromwell ruled over Englishmen, not Russians or
Greeks, and no Englishman would have tolerated for twenty-four hours
what was groaningly borne by Muscovites, who had lost every vestige of
manhood beneath the Tartar yoke, or by Syracusans, in the days of the
rapid decadence of the Hellenistic world. Cromwell’s government was a
tyranny because it was based on his own personal rule, his personal
decision as to what taxes should be levied, what ordinances issued, what
police measures decreed and carried out, what foreign policy adopted or
rejected. He was influenced very much by public opinion, when public
opinion found definite expression in the action of a body of legislators
or of an assembly of officers; but even in such cases he was only
influenced, not controlled. In other words, he had gone back to the
theory of government professed by the man he had executed, and by that
man’s predecessors. There was, however, the tremendous and far-reaching
difference, that, whereas the Stuart kings clung to absolute power for
the sake of rewarding favorites and of carrying out policies that were
hostile to the honor and interest of England, Cromwell seized it with
the sincere purpose of exalting the moral law at home and increasing the
honor of England’s name abroad. Moreover, he was in fact what no Stuart
was, in anything but name: a “king among men,” and his mighty strength
enabled him, at least partially, to realize his purpose.
[Illustration:
The Second Installation of Cromwell as Protector, in Westminster Hall,
June 26, 1657.
]
Cromwell doubtless persuaded himself that he was endeavoring to secure
what would now be called a constitutional government: one which, in his
own words, “should avoid alike the extremes of monarchy and democracy.”
He was desirous of paying heed to the wishes of those whom he esteemed
the wisest and most honest among the people. He had somewhat of that
gift for personal popularity which was so marked a feature of Queen
Elizabeth—seemingly the only sovereign whom he admired, among all his
predecessors. To the last he kept stirring vaguely for a constitutional
system; and he sincerely disliked merely arbitrary rule.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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