It was in 1903 that von Plehve began his policy of pogroms, and from 1903 to 1906 hundreds of pogroms were perpetrated against the Jews in Russia and Poland. Theodor Herzl, who witnessed the development of the tragic Dreyfus affair and who had some experience with western European anti-Semitism, knew perfectly well the prevailing hatred against the Jews everywhere, but he could not imagine that a Christian State, forming a member of the family of nations, should in the twentieth century resort to such barbarities as pogroms, in order to carry out its anti-Semitic policy. Man of delicate and fine feelings as he was, he became so disgusted with the situation and so downhearted on account of these pogroms that, in a moment of despair, he said to himself, "We would rather live among the Hottentots and other savages in Africa than among the civilized Christian nations in Europe." The entire Uganda proposition can be understood as an expression of disgust with European civilization on the part of our great Jewish statesman and artist. In short, Uganda was a loud protest against Christian civilization and Christian political methods. In a lesser degree Zionism, also, is partly a protest against European Christian civilization, which is an inheritance of ancient Rome. We want to go back to Palestine not only because we want to live a national life of our own there, but also because we are utterly repelled by European civilization and because we do not believe in a civilization that leads to the murder and pillage of entire nations and the reign of horror and brutal might. We are disgusted with this civilization because we do not believe that "might is right," because we do not believe in the political heritage of ancient Rome. We cannot say whether or not every nationalistic Jew is conscious of this fact, but the conscientious historian who does not believe in the inheritance of Rome will certainly ascribe the revival of Jewish nationalism not only to the national memories of the Jews, but also to the radical difference between Jewish and Roman political ideas and ideals and to the difference in the concept of life of the Jew and those who live on the political inheritance of ancient Rome. We, for one, firmly believe that Zionism, in spite of its purely political aspects, has the ethical consciousness of the Jewish nation as its basis and as its driving power; Zionism is thus to our mind not only a _political_, but also _an ethical movement_--or even a revolutionary movement, in the sense that the Jewish people revolts against a system of civilization from which not only entire humanity has suffered, but from which it has suffered most. Now, since Zionism is also an ethical movement, one can easily see to what its realization should lead.