Draft -- Great Britain; Great Britain -- Defenses; World War, 1914-1918
Nations, he maintained, cannot safely stand still. They must either
increase their power or lose it, expand their territories or be
prepared to see them shorn away. No growth of spiritual force or
material well-being within the state will preserve it, if it fails to
extend its authority and power among its neighbours. Feelings of
friendliness, chivalry, and pity are absurd as between nations. To
speak even of justice in such a connection is absurd. Need and Might
together constitute Right. Nor ought the world to regret the eating-up
of weak nations by the strong, of small nations by the great,
because--a somewhat bold conclusion--great and powerful nations alone
are capable of producing what the world requires in thought, art,
action, and virtue. For how can these things flourish nobly in a
timid, cowering state, which finds itself driven by force of
circumstances to make-believes and fictions, to {118} the meanest
supplications and to devices of low cunning, in order to preserve an
independence which, as it can only exist on sufferance, is nothing
better than a sham?[5]
As the Hohenzollerns, the noblest and most capable of modern dynasties,
had never been content merely to reign, but had always maintained their
'divine right' of ruling and dominating the Prussian Kingdom--as
Prussia itself, the most manly and energetic of modern nations, had not
been content merely to serve as the figurehead of a loose
confederation, but had insisted upon becoming supreme master and
imposing its own system, policy, and ideals upon all Germany--so was it
the duty and destiny of united Germany, under these happy auspices,
having been taught and seasoned by long centuries of stern and painful
apprenticeship, to issue forth in the meridian vigour of her age and
seize upon the Mastery of the World.
[Sidenote: FRIEDRICH NIETZSCHE]
If Treitschke, the eloquent historian, succeeded to his own
satisfaction and that of a very large proportion of German statesmen,
soldiers, intellectuals, and publicists in taking high policy
altogether out of the jurisdiction of Christian morals, Friedrich
Wilhelm Nietzsche,[6] the even more eloquent and infinitely more subtle
poet-philosopher, made a cleaner and {119} bolder cut, and got rid of
Christian morality even in the sphere of private conduct.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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