Draft -- Great Britain; Great Britain -- Defenses; World War, 1914-1918
Much of this is now admitted more or less frankly, but justification is
pleaded, in that it was essential to lead the country cautiously, and
that the Government could do nothing unless it had the people behind
it. In these sayings there is a measure of truth. But as a matter of
fact the country was not led at all. It was trapped. Never was there
the slightest effort made by any member of the Government to educate
the people with regard to the national dangers, {303} responsibilities,
and duties. When the crisis occurred the hand of the whole British
Empire was forced. There was no other way; but it was a bad way. And
what was infinitely worse, was the fact that, when war was
declared--that war which had been discussed at so many Cabinet meetings
since 1906--military preparations were found to be utterly inadequate
in numbers; and in many things other than numbers. The politician is
right in thinking that, as a rule, it is to his advantage if the people
are behind him; but there are times when we can imagine him praying
that they may not be too close.
We have been given to understand that it was impossible for the
Government to acknowledge their policy frankly, to face the
consequences, and to insist upon the necessary preparations in men and
material being granted. It was impossible, because to have done so
would have broken the Liberal party--that great instrument for good--in
twain. The Cabinet would have fallen in ruin. The careers of its most
distinguished members would have been cut short. Consider what
sacrifices would have been contained in this catalogue of disasters.
That is really what we are now beginning to consider, and are likely to
consider more and more as time goes on.
[Sidenote: VALUE OF SELF-SACRIFICE]
A great act of self-sacrifice--a man's, or a party's--may sometimes
make heedless people realise the presence of danger when nothing else
will. Suppose Mr. Asquith had said, "I will only continue to hold
office on one condition," and had named the condition--'that armaments
should correspond to policy'--the only means of safety. He might
thereupon have disappeared into the chasm; but like Curtius he {304}
might have saved the City. It would have made a great impression, Mr.
Asquith falling from office for his principles. Those passages of
Periclean spoken after war broke out, about the crime of Germany
against humanity--about sacrificing our own ease--about duty, honour,
freedom, and the like--were wonderfully moving. Would there, however,
have been occasion for them, if in the orator's own case, the sacrifice
had been made before the event instead of after it, or if he had
faithfully performed the simplest and chief of all the duties attaching
to his great position?
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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