Draft -- Great Britain; Great Britain -- Defenses; World War, 1914-1918
Of course they are quite wrong. The People will stand anything which
is necessary for the national welfare, if the matter is explained to
them by a big enough man in accents of sincerity.
A defensive force which will on no account cross the frontier is no
defensive force at all. It is only a laughing-stock.
A frontier is sometimes an arbitrary line drawn across meadow and
plough; sometimes a river; sometimes a mountain range; sometimes, as
with ourselves, it is a narrow strip of sea--a 'great ditch,' as
Cromwell called it contemptuously.
The awful significance, however, of the word 'frontier' seems to deepen
and darken as we pass {403} from the first example to the fourth. And
there is apparently something more in this feeling than the terrors of
the channel crossing or of a foreign language. Territorials may be
taken to Ireland, which is a longer sea-journey than from Dover to
Calais; but to be 'butchered abroad'--horrible!
It is horrible enough to be butchered anywhere, but why more horrible
in the valley of the Rhine than in that of the Thames? If national
safety demands butchery, as it has often done in the past, surely the
butchery of 50,000 brave men on the borders of Luxemburg is a less evil
than the butchery of twice that number in the vicinity of Norwich? And
if we are to consider national comfort as well as safety, it is surely
wise to follow the German example and fight in any man's country rather
than in our own. The only question of real importance is this:--At
what place will the sacrifice of life be most effective for the defence
of the country? If we can answer that we shall know also where it will
be lightest.[1]
[Sidenote: THE HONOUR OF THE ARMY]
The school of political thought which remained predominant throughout
the great industrial epoch (1832-1886) bitterly resented the
assumption, made by certain classes, that the profession of arms was
more honourable in its nature, than commerce and other peaceful
pursuits. The destruction of this supposed fallacy produced a great
literature, and even a considerable amount of poetry. It was a
frequent theme at the opening of literary institutes and technical
colleges, and also at festivals of chambers of commerce {404} and
municipalities. Professors of Political Economy expounded the true
doctrine with great vehemence, and sermons were preached without number
upon the well-worn text about the victories of peace.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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