Draft -- Great Britain; Great Britain -- Defenses; World War, 1914-1918
One has only to compare this with the attitude which has prevailed
since the Territorial Army came into existence, to realise that there
has been a stirring of the waters, and that in certain quarters a
change had taken place in the national mood. With regard to the
Territorials the attitude of those who joined, of those who did not
join, of the politicians, of the press, of public opinion generally was
markedly different from the old attitude. It was significant that a
man who did not join was often disposed to excuse and to justify his
abstention. The conditions of his calling, or competing duties made it
impossible for him; or the lowness of his health, or the highness of
his principles in some way interfered. There was a tendency now to
explain what previously would never have called for any explanation.
The causes of this change are not less obvious than its symptoms. It
is an interesting coincidence that Lord Kitchener had a good deal to do
with it. The destruction of the bloodthirsty tyranny of the Khalifa
(1898), and the rescue of a fertile province from waste, misery, and
massacre, caused many people to look with less disapproving eyes than
formerly upon the profession of the soldier. The long anxieties of the
South African War, and the levies of volunteers from all parts of the
Empire, who went out to take a share in it, forced men to think not
only more kindly of soldiers, but also to think {412} of war itself no
longer as an illusion but as a reality.[2]
The events which happened during the last decade--the creation of the
German Navy--the attempt and failure of the British Government to abate
the rivalry in armaments--the naval panic and the hastily summoned
Defence Conference in 1909--the Russo-Japanese war--the Agadir
crisis--the two Balkan wars--the military competition between Germany
and France--all these combined to sharpen the consciousness of danger
and to draw attention to the need for being prepared against it.
These events, which crowded the beginning of the twentieth century,
stirred and troubled public opinion in a manner which not only Mr.
Cobden, who died in 1865, but almost equally Mr. Gladstone, who
survived him by more than thirty years, would have utterly refused to
credit. Both these statesmen had been convinced that the world was
moving steadily towards a settled peace, and that before another
century had passed away--possibly even in a single generation--their
dreams of general disarmament would be approaching fulfilment.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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