Our business civilization : $b some aspects of American cultureAdams, James Truslow
General
Our business civilization : $b some aspects of American culture
Adams, James Truslow
National characteristics, American; United States -- Civilization -- 1918-1945; United States -- Social conditions -- 1918-1932
We find the same disregard of law when we come to the
Abolitionists and the antislavery agitation. The episodes
in connection with this, such as the murder of Lovejoy in
Illinois, the mobs threatening Garrison at Utica, Boston,
and elsewhere, the destruction of printing plants and newspaper
offices, are almost too well known to call for repetition.
Even Connecticut, “the land of steady habits,” was
not immune. In Philadelphia a pro-slavery mob burned
Pennsylvania Hall, dedicated to Free Speech. We could
multiply instances indefinitely, but need only say that violence
was the order of the day. Lincoln complained that
law and order had broken down, that “wild and furious
passions” were substituted for “the sober judgments of the
courts,” that “outrages committed by mobs form the everyday
news of the times” and that they were “common to the
whole country.”
The passage of the new Fugitive Slave law brought more[Pg 113]
lawlessness. Calhoun had rightly stated in the Senate that
it was “impossible to execute any law of Congress until the
people of the states shall cöoperate”—a clear statement that
Prohibitionists would have done well to remember.
Everywhere in the North the law was not merely disobeyed
but bloodily denounced. In New York, for example, it was
declared that “instant death ... without judge or jury”
should await anyone who attempted to enforce it. The
New York Tribune declared that it would be better to blow
up the Capitol at Washington than to allow the law to be
passed in it. Throughout the states, in the decade preceding
the Civil War, there was an utter disregard of law in the
sense that people obeyed such national laws as they chose
to and used violence to defeat those they were opposed to.
In the North the Fugitive Slave law was the one specially
attacked. In the South the mails were interfered with and
free speech was suppressed. A Northern antislavery man
could not enter the Southern states without danger to his
life. Sums of five thousand dollars and upward were offered
for the kidnapping of prominent speakers on the subject of
slavery. In Kansas the struggle between those who wished
to have the state enter the Union as free and those who
wished it slave resulted in such constant violence as to give
the state the name of “bleeding Kansas,” though Professor
Channing finds that probably only two hundred people were
killed—killed, it must be remembered, however, in time of
peace. To detail all the acts of violence throughout the
country in the decades before the war would be impossible
here. The total effect, however, would be to picture a
nation in which passion had usurped the place of law. The
riots which occurred after war was declared may be[Pg 114]
partially discarded for our purpose, though they probably
would not have occurred in a country in which the people
had an ingrained sense of law. The worst one in New York,
in 1863, lasted four days and resulted in the destruction of
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