World War, 1914-1918 -- Atrocities; World War, 1914-1918 -- Hospitals; World War, 1914-1918 -- Personal narratives
Our second step is to teach our tradition to the hundred million
already here. It is a large enough classroom. We can advertise for new
pupils when our present group matriculates. When it has matriculated,
there will be no popularity for phrases like "He kept us out of war,"
nor for songs of "I didn't raise my boy to be a soldier." The teaching
of that tradition will reveal the interweaving of the American and
the French Revolutions as products of a single impulse toward world
liberation. If we had known our history, we should have answered
the need of France, as Hall, Chapman, Thaw, Seeger, and many more
answered it who have laid down their lives for their friend, France.
The teaching of the American tradition will reveal to our awakened
astonished minds that our policy has not been that of neutrality toward
oppressed peoples like the Belgians. It will reveal that the British
fleet has served us well from the time of Canning down to Manila Bay.
It will stir in us loyalties that have long been asleep. It will show
what a phrase like "Government for the people" has meant in terms of
social legislation. It will point to the long road we must tread
before we reach that ideal goal. We cannot leave the teaching of our
tradition to the public schools alone. Courses of evening lectures for
the people, the newspapers and periodicals, clergymen and economists
and social workers, all must help.
Our third step is a deep understanding sympathy with the forces in the
world making for righteousness. We should have been sensitive enough
to see the right and the wrong of the present war. But that chance
has gone by. Let us now make ready to contribute to the future. The
fundamental question is this: Are the democracies of the world to
stand together, or is the world-fight for freedom to be made, with our
nation on the side-lines? The whole emphasis of the world's emotion
has shifted from war to peace. When thought follows this emotion and
rationalizes it, we can begin constructive work. The test of our
desire for peace will be found in this: Do we mean business? Pacifism
is valueless, because it is a vague emotion. Peace is a thing won
by thought and effort. It is not alone a "state of mind." If we are
willing to give guarantees by army and navy, and to back up protest
by force, we can serve the cause of peace. But if we continue our
"internationalism" of recent years, we shall not be admitted to any
such effective league of peace as France and England will form. We must
take our place by the side of the nations who mean to make freedom and
justice prevail throughout the world.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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