Our War with Spain for Cuba's FreedomWhite, Trumbull
History
Our War with Spain for Cuba's Freedom
White, Trumbull
Cuba -- History; Spain -- Foreign relations -- United States; Spanish-American War, 1898; United States -- Foreign relations -- Spain
The most judicial writers, however bitterly they condemn Spain,
admit that that peninsular kingdom has itself suffered and that
the people have suffered almost beyond endurance themselves. Cuba
is not the only land with which we may share a little of our
sympathy. But sympathy for Spain must come from other things than
oppression from without. Her oppression is within her own borders,
and her authorities have tried to shift the burden of it to the
colonists across the sea. The debt of Spain has reached enormous
proportions, and having fallen from her high estate as a
commercial nation, it has become impossible for the great interest
charges on her floating debt to be paid by ordinary and correct
methods. Says one writer: "To pay the interest necessitates the
most grinding oppression. The moving impulse is not malice, but
the greed of the famishing; and oppressor and oppressed alike are
the objects for sympathy."
The annual revenue raised in the island of Cuba had reached nearly
$26,000,000 by the time of the outbreak of the Ten Years' war, and
preparations were in progress for largely increasing the
exactions. The large revenue raised was expended in ways to
irritate the Cubans or any one else who had to help pay it. The
annual salary of the captain general was $50,000, when the
president of the United States was getting only $25,000 a year.
Each provincial governor in Cuba got a salary of $12,000, while
the prime minister of Spain received only half that.
The bishop of Havana and the archbishop of Santiago de Cuba each
received a salary of $18,000. All offices, civil, military and
ecclesiastical, were productive of rich perquisites, except in
those cases where stealing was simpler. Wholesale corruption in
the custom houses was generally known and admitted by all. The
thefts in the custom houses in Havana was estimated at forty per
cent, and in Santiago at seventy per cent of the entire revenue.
All offices except the very lowest, in church and state alike,
were filled by men sent from Spain, with the frank understanding
that as soon as he could, each new appointee could garner a
fortune by fair means and foul combined, he should retire and let
another be sent over to have a turn at the plunder. The result of
this was that strangers were always in authority, men with no
sympathy for local need, and no local reputation to sustain. It is
perfectly obvious what sort of a public service such conditions
would create.
As might have been expected, the result was the growth of two
parties, one the native-born Cubans, and called the insulares, the
other of those from Spain, and their adherents, known as the
peninsulares. The line between them has been sharply drawn for
many years, and they are on opposite sides of everything. It is
from the ranks of the continentals that the volunteer corps of
Cuba has been drawn, one of the most aggravating and threatening
of all influences against peace in Cuba.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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