Paris and the Parisians in 1835 (Vol. 1)Trollope, Frances Milton
History
Paris and the Parisians in 1835 (Vol. 1)
Trollope, Frances Milton
Paris (France) -- Description and travel; Paris (France) -- Social life and customs -- 19th century
Meanwhile this temporary division of strength is unquestionably very
favourable to the present government; in addition to which, they
derive much security from the averseness which all feel, excepting the
naughty boys and hungry desperadoes, to the disturbance of their
present tranquillity. It is evident that those who do not belong to
the triumphant majority are disposed for the most part to wait a more
favourable opportunity of hostilely and openly declaring themselves;
and it is probable that they will wait long. They know well, and are
daily reminded of it, that all the power and all the strength that
possession can give are vested in the existing dynasty; and though
much deeply-rooted feeling exists that is inimical to it, yet so many
of all parties are firmly united to prevent farther anarchy and
revolution, that the throne of Louis-Philippe perhaps rests on as
solid a foundation as that of any monarch in Europe: the fear of
renewed tumult acts like the key-stone of an arch, keeping firm,
sound, and in good condition, what would certainly fall to pieces
without it.
In addition to this wholesome fear of pulling their own dwellings
about their ears, there is also another fear that aids greatly in
producing the same result. Many of the riotous youths who so
essentially assisted in creating the confusion which ended in
uncrowning one king and crowning another, are, as far as I can
understand, quite as well disposed to make a row now as they were
then: but they know that if they do, they will most incontestably be
whipped for it; and therefore, though they pout a little in private,
they are, generally speaking, very orderly in public. Every one, not
personally interested in the possible result of another uproar, must
rejoice at this improvement in discipline. The boys of France must now
submit to give way before her men; and as long as this lasts,
something like peace and prosperity may be hoped for.
Yet it cannot be denied, I think, that among these prudent men--these
doctrinaires who now hold the high places, there are many who, "with
high thoughts, such as Lycurgus loved," still dream of a commonwealth;
or that there are others who have not yet weaned their waking thoughts
from meditations on faith, right, and loyalty. But nevertheless, all
unite in thinking that they had better "let things be," than risk
making them worse.
Nothing is more common than to hear a conversation end by a cordial
and unanimous avowal of this prudent and sagacious sentiment, which
began by an examination of general principles, and the frank
acknowledgment of opinions which would certainly lead to a very
different conclusion.
It is amusing enough to remark how these advocates for expediency
contrive each of them to find reasons why things had better remain as
they are, while all these reasons are strongly tinted by their various
opinions.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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