Philosophical Works, v. 2 (of 4): Including All the Essays, and Exhibiting the More Important Alterations and Corrections in the Successive Editions Published by the AuthorHume, David
PhilosophyPhilosophy
Philosophical Works, v. 2 (of 4): Including All the Essays, and Exhibiting the More Important Alterations and Corrections in the Successive Editions Published by the Author
Hume, David
Knowledge, Theory of; Philosophy, English -- 18th century
governors into tyrants and public enemies. If the sense of public
interest were not our original motive to obedience, I would fain ask,
what other principle is there in human nature capable of subduing
the natural ambition of men, and forcing them to such a submission?
Imitation and custom are not sufficient. For the question still recurs,
what motive first produces those instances of submission which we
imitate, and that train of actions which produces the custom? There
evidently is no other principle than public interest; and if interest
first produces obedience to government, the obligation to obedience
must cease whenever the interest ceases in any great degree, and in a
considerable number of instances.
SECTION X.
OF THE OBJECTS OF ALLEGIANCE.
But though, on some occasions, it may be justifiable, both in sound
politics and morality, to resist supreme power, 'tis certain that, in
the ordinary course of human affairs, nothing can be more pernicious
and criminal; and that, besides the convulsions which always attend
revolutions, such a practice tends directly to the subversion of
all government, and the causing an universal anarchy and confusion
among mankind. As numerous and civilized societies cannot subsist
without government, so government is entirely useless without an exact
obedience. We ought always to weigh the advantages which we reap from
authority, against the disadvantages: and by this means we shall become
more scrupulous of putting in practice the doctrine of resistance. The
common rule requires submission; and 'tis only in cases of grievous
tyranny and oppression, that the exception can take place.
Since, then, such a blind submission is commonly due to magistracy,
the next question is, _to whom it is due, and whom we are to regard
as our lawful magistrates_? In order to answer this question, let us
recollect what we have already established concerning the origin of
government and political society. When men have once experienced the
impossibility of preserving any steady order in society, while every
one is his own master, and violates or observes the laws of interest,
according to his present interest or pleasure, they naturally run into
the invention of government, and put it out of their own power, as far
as possible, to transgress the laws of society. Government, therefore,
arises from the voluntary convention of men; and 'tis evident, that the
same convention which establishes government, will also determine the
persons who are to govern, and will remove all doubt and ambiguity in
this particular. And the voluntary consent of men must here have the
greater efficacy, that the authority of the magistrate does _at first_
stand upon the foundation of a promise of the subjects, by which they
bind themselves to obedience, as in every other contract or engagement.
The same promise, then, which binds them to obedience, ties them down
to a particular person, and makes him the object of their allegiance.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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