Physics and Politics, or, Thoughts on the application of the principles of "natural selection" and "inheritance" to political societyBagehot, Walter
Philosophy
Physics and Politics, or, Thoughts on the application of the principles of "natural selection" and "inheritance" to political society
Bagehot, Walter
Evolution; Nationalism; Political science
another, that the old notions of loyalty, and fealty, and authority, as
they existed in the Middle Ages, have now over the best minds almost no
effect.
It is true that the influence of discussion is not the only force which
has produced this vast effect. Both in ancient and in modern times
other forces cooperated with it. Trade, for example, is obviously a
force which has done much to bring men of different customs and
different beliefs into close contiguity, and has thus aided to change
the customs and the beliefs of them all. Colonisation is another such
influence: it settles men among aborigines of alien race and usages,
and it commonly compels the colonists not to be over-strict in the
choice of their own elements; they are obliged to coalesce with and
'adopt' useful bands and useful men, though their ancestral customs may
not be identical, nay, though they may be, in fact, opposite to their
own. In modern Europe, the existence of a cosmopolite Church, claiming
to be above nations, and really extending through nations, and the
scattered remains of Roman law and Roman civilisation co-operated with
the liberating influence of political discussion. And so did other
causes also. But perhaps in no case have these subsidiary causes alone
been able to generate intellectual freedom; certainly in all the most
remarkable cases the influence of discussion has presided at the
creation of that freedom, and has been active and dominant in it.
No doubt apparent cases of exception may easily be found. It may be
said that in the court of Augustus there was much general intellectual
freedom, an almost entire detachment from ancient prejudice, but that
there was no free political discussion at all. But, then, the ornaments
of that time were derived from a time of great freedom: it was the
republic which trained the men whom the empire ruled. The close
congregation of most miscellaneous elements under the empire, was, no
doubt, of itself unfavourable to inherited prejudice, and favourable to
intellectual exertion. Yet, except in the instance of the Church, which
is a peculiar subject that requires a separate discussion, how little
was added to what the republic left! The power of free interchange of
ideas being wanting, the ideas themselves were barren. Also, no doubt,
much intellectual freedom may emanate from countries of free political
discussion, and penetrate to countries where that discussion is
limited. Thus the intellectual freedom of France in the eighteenth
century was in great part owing to the proximity of and incessant
intercourse with England and Holland. Voltaire resided among us; and
every page of the 'Esprit des Lois' proves how much Montesquieu learned
from living here. But, of course, it was only part of the French
culture which was so derived: the germ might be foreign, but the tissue
was native. And very naturally, for it would be absurd to call the
ancien regime a government without discussion: discussion abounded
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