Poetry of the Anti-Jacobin: Comprising the Celebrated Political and Satirical Poems, of the Rt. Hons. G. Canning, John Hookham Frere, W. Pitt, the Marquis Wellesley, G. Ellis, W. Gifford, the Earl of Carlisle, and Others.
History
Poetry of the Anti-Jacobin: Comprising the Celebrated Political and Satirical Poems, of the Rt. Hons. G. Canning, John Hookham Frere, W. Pitt, the Marquis Wellesley, G. Ellis, W. Gifford, the Earl of Carlisle, and Others.
English poetry; France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Poetry; Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1789-1820
Aware of his danger, our author thought the best means of averting
it was, by seeking for some standard, as a safe rule for his conduct
in respect to the liberty of this press. “The English press was said
to be _enslaved_; but, when I came to consult the practice of this
enslaved press, I found it still to be far too free for me to
attempt to follow its example. Finally, it appeared to me to be the
safest way, to form to myself some rule founded on the liberty
exercised by the _American press_. I concluded that I might without
danger go as great lengths in attacking the enemies of the country
as others went in attacking its friends: that as much zeal might be
shown in defending the general government and administration as in
accusing and traducing them: and that as great warmth would be
admissible in the cause of virtue, order, and religion, as had been
tolerated in the wicked cause of villainy, insurrection, and
blasphemy” (p. 21). Alas! Peter, at this time, knew but little of
the “spirit and temper,” as MR. BARRISTER ERSKINE would express it,
of democracy and Jacobinism. He knew not that the men who profess
those principles are for the most part vindictive, malignant,
oppressive, and intolerant; and that under the mask of liberty they
exercise the most insupportable tyranny over their families and
dependents, and that in their general conduct to their
inferiors—unless when impelled by interest or urged by ambition,
they irritate their passions with toasts and flattery, from a
tavern-chair, or influence their minds by seditious discourses and
treasonable insinuations, from a tribune or a scaffold—they are
supercilious, arrogant, insolent, and overbearing. He knew not, it
would seem, that those whose whole duty is to defend the laws often
_sleep on their posts_, while their enemies are ever vigilant,
active, and alert; that when the former are attacked, a tardiness of
zeal, amounting nearly to torpor, secures, with few exceptions,
impunity to the assailant; whereas any exposure of the latter draws
forth a malignity of revenge which is the certain fore-runner of
persecution. Indeed, the inveteracy of the discontented, of that
class which includes all those who aspire to the possession of place
and power, and are little scrupulous about the means of attaining
them; and all the determined revolutionists or subverters of
established institutions, may be traced to a natural source. Unable
to support by reason a cause which reason disavows, unable to
strengthen by arguments positions which set all argument at
defiance, it becomes their business to inflame by passion and to
dazzle with sophistry. Hence arises an extreme facility of exposing
their weakness and detecting their infamy, and not having the means
of resisting such exposure, being wholly destitute of the sentiments
which are necessary for a successful reply, they are reduced to the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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