Poine: a study in ancient Greek blood-vengeanceTreston, Hubert Joseph
History
Poine: a study in ancient Greek blood-vengeance
Treston, Hubert Joseph
Criminal law (Greek law); Greece -- Civilization; Greek drama (Tragedy) -- History and criticism; Homicide (Greek law); Vendetta
It was perhaps because of special circumstances that _Sparta_ developed
along peculiar lines of a quasi-Achaean and non-Hellenic kind. Thus,
Müller holds[20] that the Spartans represent a continuation of the
heroic age, a system of military rule over agricultural classes. So
Holm[21] says that ‘The Spartan monarchy was a continuation of that of
the Homeric age, only its authority was more strictly defined and became
gradually more limited.’ Grote,[22] criticising the opinion of Müller,
who holds that the Spartans were typical Dorians, maintains that the
‘institutions of Sparta were peculiar to herself, distinguishing her not
less from Argos, Corinth, Megara ... than from Athens or Thebes.’ Crete,
he says, was ‘the only other portion of Greece in which there prevailed
institutions in many respects analogous, yet still dissimilar.’ The
creator or inventor of the peculiar Spartan character, was, he thinks,
Lycurgus. We consider these opinions much more probable than that of
Gilbert,[23] who believes that the three Dorian tribes, known as Hylleis,
Dymanes, Pamphyloi, existed in the earlier days, at Sparta, as a social
organisation. The reference of Demetrius of Scepsis (about 100 B.C.)
to the existence of twenty-seven phratries and nine tribes at Sparta,
gives, of course, no basis for assuming their existence in post-Homeric
times. We have a special reason for emphasising the peculiarity of
Spartan institutions. A solitary reference in Xenophon[24] to a penalty
of perpetual exile for involuntary homicide at Sparta, in contrast with
the well-known penalty of temporary exile at Athens, has been taken
to justify the opinion that the murder-laws of Athens were peculiar
to herself. But, in our view, the peculiarity of Sparta[25] militates
against the validity of such a conclusion. We hope to prove more clearly
at a later stage that this conclusion is false.
The social evolution of post-Homeric Boeotia is a subject on which a wide
diversity of opinions appears to exist. Ridgeway[26] thinks that the
Boeotians were Achaeans: Leaf[27] supposes that they were Thessalians:
Müller[28] believes that they were Pelasgian Aeolians driven out of the
land which was afterwards called Thessaly, by invading Thessalians.
Leaf argues[29] that the Achaeans did not occupy Boeotia at the time
of their domination in Greece, but we do not see why they may not have
occupied that district at a later date. Bury[30] contrasts the ‘Boeotian
conquerors’ with the ‘older Greek inhabitants’ of Boeotia: Hogarth[31]
distinguishes between Aryan Boeotians and the non-Aryan Asiatic Cadmeans
of Thebes. We cannot attempt to decide between these various opinions,
and, fortunately, it is not necessary that we should do so. We have
indicated the probable fate of the Achaeans after the fall of Troy, and
for the rest we may be satisfied with the description of Thucydides.[32]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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