to the old aristocratic tribes. In cases of homicide between members of this new group, who would act as judge? The tribe-kings regarded such a group as entirely outside their caste. For such a group there was neither religion nor law nor justice. Hence they probably resorted to what we have described as unrestricted vendetta. It was precisely at this juncture, as we think, that the new religion of Apollo, with its quasi-Asiatic doctrine of murder as a ‘pollution,’ came to Greece. Murder now became a ‘sin’ against the State gods. If unpunished, it brought upon the State the anger of its gods. State courts were now compelled to sit in judgment on all cases of homicide which occurred within the State: no longer were the tribes permitted to adjudicate for intra-tribal slaying. They could still hold ‘minor investigations’ at their local Prytaneum; though we cannot agree with Müller and Philippi in describing as a ‘mock-trial’[70] their investigations into the guilt of animals and inanimate objects (δικαὶ ἀψύχων). But the man ‘who shed man’s blood’ had now to appear before the central tribunals of the State: all men had to appear, not merely the aristocratic heirs of tribal privilege. This, in our view, is what happened in the seventh and sixth centuries B.C. In the circumstances of the time it was an event of incalculable utility to Greek societies. But the lustre of the event and the chaos which it terminated have dazzled the minds of modern thinkers so much that they forget the older and, for the period of its power, the equally effective vigour of the courts of the tribal State. _Thus, what Glotz and Bury have attributed to the evolution of State power is really to be attributed to the new non-tribal democracy and the religion of Apollo._