Popular misgovernment in the United StatesCruikshank, Alfred Byron
History
Popular misgovernment in the United States
Cruikshank, Alfred Byron
Suffrage -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
The reader may wonder what the decent people of New York were thinking,
saying and doing all these years while these operations of the managers
of the controllable vote were in progress. Just exactly what they are
now thinking, saying and doing all over the country;--complaining and
deploring that it can not be helped. Sometimes on the heels of some
unusually scandalous disclosure a reform movement would be started,
aided perhaps by young men intensely patriotic, fresh from school and
college where they had read about our fine political structure in books
that fail to refer to the rotten foundation. They learned by sad
experience as others before them that the stream will rise no higher
than its source; that with a controllable electorate kindly provided by
the manhood suffrage constitution and an organization of scallawags,
loafers and criminals to control it the politicians had the best of the
situation. Bryce, who was in New York in 1870 and saw the Tweed Ring in
its glory, gives us a fine picture of the effect of manhood suffrage in
prostrating public conscience and energy. He says that the respectable
democratic leaders winked at the Ring’s misdeeds for the sake of the
vote; that the press had been purchased or subsidized; that the bench
was controlled; that three-quarters of the citizens “paid little or
nothing in the way of direct taxes, and did not realize that the
increase of civic burdens would fall upon them as well as upon the
rich.” Here you have the case as plain as day; the electorate, whose
business and function it was to secure good government and prevent these
evils, failed in its duty; it was itself corrupt and inefficient; and
why? Because three-quarters of it paid little or no direct taxes. In
other words, they were not property holders. Just as the human soul is
undiscoverable except as revealed by the human body, so civilization
exhibits itself in property; and the rabble who are unfamiliar with
property and are devoid of sympathy with its rights, feel no interest in
good government or in any other incident of civilization.
Bryce further says:
“Moreover, the Ring had cunningly placed on the pay rolls of the
city a large number of persons rendering comparatively little
service, who had become a body of janizaries, bound to defend the
government which paid them, working hard for it at elections, and
adding, together with the regular employees, no contemptible quota
to the total Tammany vote. As for the Boss, those very qualities in
him which repelled men of refinement made him popular with the
crowd.” (_American Commonwealth_, Vol. II, p. 391.)
Notwithstanding the Tweed disclosures there was no serious attempt to
apply the only practical remedy by reforming the electorate. Here and
there a voice was heard crying in the wilderness, but no one regarded
it. In October 1876, a writer in the _North American Review_ was
clear-eyed enough to read the lesson of the Tweed Ring. He wrote:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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