During the period studied three veto resolutions died in committee,[655] three (all favorably reported from committee) passed the House of Representatives only to be rejected by the Senate,[656] and four were adversely reported from committee and defeated in the chamber in which they originated.[657] Only one veto resolution was discharged from committee. It subsequently passed the House but failed in the Senate.[658] CONCLUSION In an era in which governmental controls invade every sphere of human activity, from economic to cultural and political, administrative responsibility is essential to the maintenance of the democratic system. Administration which is responsible is lacking in the elements of bad faith, arbitrariness, or capriciousness. It constitutes a reasoned effort, in good faith, to approximate the legislative intent. Congress is one important source of oversight of administration. Its effectiveness in performing this role is a function of (a) the adequacy of its tools, and the skill, conscience, and sustained interest of the members in wielding them, and (b) the standards it applies in measuring the adequacy of administrative action. Experience in this area indicates that Congress is more imaginative in fashioning tools for checking and influencing the administration of delegated powers than it is skillful and determined in employing them to hold administrators to clearly defined standards of performance. The national legislature has attempted to employ reporting devices and the concurrent resolution to influence, enable or require executive action, to terminate or suspend the conditions authorizing it, or to restrict the application of programs to specified groups. Not infrequently it has made the exercise of delegated powers contingent upon prior congressional approval or disapproval. With the exception of the last category, however, Congress has not effectively wielded the tool it engineered. The veto resolution has received ample use because the executive automatically initiates congressional review when it invokes the delegated power which is subject to veto. Where Congress must initiate review, the concurrent resolution provisions tend to lie dormant, or congressional action tends to be directed at vindicating sectional interests (revocation of daylight saving time), or direct participation in the framing of administrative decisions, case by case (deportation suspensions). Perhaps the moral of the story is that we must free congressmen from constituency loyalties and subject them to strict party discipline if we wish to insure that available techniques for the legislative control of administration are effectively employed to serve an interest which is broad and public. CHAPTER IX INTER-AGENCY RELATIONSHIPS