Powers of the President during crisesSmith, J. Malcolm (John Malcolm)
History
Powers of the President during crises
Smith, J. Malcolm (John Malcolm)
Constitutional history -- United States; Executive power -- United States
In a concurring opinion, however, Justice Murphy restated the principle
expressed in the _Milligan_ case. Exalting civilian supremacy over the
military, he reiterated the _Milligan_ rule that civilians may not be
tried by the military when the courts are open and functioning. Not
only did he agree with Justice Black that the acts of the military
contravened statutory law, but he also was of the belief they were
proscribed by the due process clause and therefore manifestly
unconstitutional. Unlike the Civil War Justices, however, he suggested
that until the courts were able to resume their functions the military
might retain custody of its prisoners.[730]
_Extra-Constitutional Sources of Emergency Power:_ Perhaps the most
expansive argument for a constitutionally sanctioned, unqualified
emergency power is that developed and expressed by Justice George
Sutherland in a work published in 1919,[731] before his accession
to the bench, and restated in his opinion for the Court in _United
States_ v. _Curtiss-Wright Export Corporation_.[732] In _Constitutional
Power and World Affairs_, he asserted:
“As the highest duty of the nation is self-preservation, the rights
of peace must then be held in subjection to the necessities of war.
This does not result in a suspension of the Constitution, as some
have petulantly suggested, but it may result in a suspension of
constitutional rights of the individual because they conflict with the
paramount powers of war....
“This power is tremendous; it is strictly constitutional; but it breaks
down every barrier so anxiously erected for the protection of liberty,
of property and of life.”[733]
The later Supreme Court opinion only removes the inconsistencies from
these passages, and recognizes the war powers as extra-constitutional
in nature:
“It results that the investment of the federal government with the
powers of external sovereignty did not depend upon the affirmative
grants of the Constitution. The powers to declare and wage war, to
conclude peace, to make treaties, to maintain diplomatic relations
with other sovereignties, if they had never been mentioned in the
Constitution, would have been vested in the federal government as
necessary concomitants of nationality.”[734]
Justice Jackson, dissenting in the Japanese relocation case,
_Korematsu_ v. _United States_,[735] advocated complete judicial
abnegation of any pretended power to review the necessity for emergency
action. Favoring, however, a reversal of the judgment and a “discharge
of the prisoner,” Jackson added that he couldn’t subscribe to the
view that the existence of “reasonable military grounds” for such a
wartime program made it constitutionally valid and subject to judicial
enforcement.[736] The Court cannot
“... require such a commander in such circumstances to act as a
reasonable man; he may be unreasonably cautious and exacting. Perhaps
he should be....
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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