Powers of the President during crisesSmith, J. Malcolm (John Malcolm)
History
Powers of the President during crises
Smith, J. Malcolm (John Malcolm)
Constitutional history -- United States; Executive power -- United States
Schenck had been convicted under the Espionage Act of 1917 for
seeking to obstruct the draft. He had circularized a mailing list
with literature opposing the World War I draft law. Included on the
list were a number of persons in the military service at the time of
receipt of the material. Holmes’ reasoned as follows:
“The question in every case is whether the words used are used in such
circumstances and are of such a nature as to create a clear and present
danger that they will bring about the substantive evils that Congress
has a right to prevent. It is a question of proximity and degree....
“It seems to be admitted that if an actual obstruction of the
recruiting service were proved, liability for words that produced that
effect might be enforced.... If the act, ... its tendency and the
intent with which it is done are the same, we perceive no ground for
saying that success alone warrants making the act a crime.”[742]
Schenck remained in jail.
In a subsequent case under the same Act, involving a group of
“radicals” who had disseminated a pamphlet condemning United States
intervention in Russia and threatening to thwart that intervention
by causing trouble on the home front, calling upon munitions workers
to quit their jobs, and advocating revolution, Holmes dissented from
a decision upholding their conviction.[743] Rejecting as fallacious
the conclusion of his colleagues that the surreptitious publishing of
a “silly leaflet by an unknown man, without more, would present any
immediate danger that its opinions would hinder the success of the
government arms or have any appreciable tendency to do so,” Holmes
maintained:
“An intent to prevent interference with the revolution in Russia might
have been satisfied without any hindrance to carrying on the war in
which we were engaged....
“Even if I am technically wrong and enough can be squeezed from these
poor and puny anonymities to turn the color of legal litmus paper;
I will add, even if what I think the necessary intent were shown;
the most nominal punishment seems to me all that possibly could be
inflicted, unless the defendants are to be made to suffer not for what
the indictment alleges but for the creed that they avow....”[744]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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