Practicable Socialism, New SeriesBarnett, S. A. (Samuel Augustus)
Religion
Practicable Socialism, New Series
Barnett, S. A. (Samuel Augustus)
Great Britain -- Social conditions -- 19th century; Social problems; Working class
food or clothing. It has allowed a business man to be hard in his
business, if he is easy in response to charitable appeals. But times
have changed, and we no longer hope for a society in which rich people
are kind to poor people; we rather think of a society where employers
and employed share justly the profits of work; where there is no
dependent class, and all find pleasure in the gifts of character which
follow the full growth of manhood in rich and poor. If the Church
recognized some such conception of society it would aim to humanize
business relations and teach investors to ask, as Bishop Stubbs (whose
“Social Creed,” lately published in the “Times,” well repays study)
suggests, “Not only whether a business is _safe_ to pay, but whether the
business _deserves_ to pay”. Coal-owners, under the Church’s influence,
might substitute for such villages as Tonypandy, villages such as
Earswick, and then every increase of wages would mean that widening of
human interests which helps to satisfy the individual and to increase
the stability of the nation.
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The strike is doing vast mischief, as it dislocates trade, spreads
poverty, and embitters class relationships. But all its mischief may be
outweighed if it forces people to think. Our prosperity, the triumphs of
machinery, the daily provision of opinions by an ubiquitous Press, have
encouraged a self-satisfied and easy-going spirit. We do not take pains
to make up our minds; we do not try to think our rivals’ thoughts;
employers do not put themselves in the men’s place, and the men do not
put themselves in the employers’ place; none of us put ourselves in the
Germans’ place when they are angry at our policy. The greatest danger of
the time is the forgetfulness of danger, the light-heartedness of the
people, and the want of seriousness which prefers enjoyment to study,
and the carelessness which, for example, goes on refusing to consider
the Insurance Act, saying, “It will never come into force”. People will
not think. The Tariff Reform agitation has done untold good in making,
at any rate, a few people think out the meaning of Free Trade. The
strike will do good if it makes people--masters and men--think out the
interdependence of trade--whence it is that profits come--what is the
relation between home and foreign trade--what is the duty which a trade
bears to the State--what is the justification for a strike or a lock-out
which cripples the State--and what are the calls for State interference.
Professor William James declares that the secret and glory of our
English-speaking race “consists in nothing but two common habits carried
into public life--habits more precious, perhaps, than any that the human
race has gained.... One of them is the habit of trained and disciplined
good temper towards the opposite party when it fairly wins its innings.
The other is that of fierce and merciless resentment towards every man
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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