Ireland -- Politics and government -- 1901-1910; Land tenure -- Ireland
Meanwhile, in the midst of apparent peace, the elements of trouble in
Ireland still quiescent were to come to a head and to give rise to a
movement. The most formidable to British rule though skilfully masked,
which had been seen since the rebellion of 1798. Revolutionary schemes in
Ireland have always fastened on the land as the chief source from which
they could derive strength; the United Irish movement as I have pointed
out, was connected with a peasant movement against the payment of rent.
This idea had been brought into marked prominence by John Finton Lalor,
one of the rebels of 1848, a comparatively unknown but a sagacious man;
'You must associate' he wrote, 'the cause of Irish liberty, for which the
people really care little with a cause for which they care a great deal;
an inert mass must be yoked to a powerful engine; the Irish landlord must
be driven from the land and the peasant masses be made its owners; and the
fall of English power will follow that of its landlord garrison.' These
words fell for the moment on unheeding ears; but the tradition has
continued from that day to this the destruction of Irish 'landlordism' was
one of the objects of the Fenian leaders of 1865-67, and they denounced
the Irish gentry in atrocious language, though they did not know how to
carry out their policy. This teaching was eagerly adopted by Michael
Davitt, a Fenian, who had been convicted of a crime against the State;
during a long imprisonment at Dartmoor, he brooded 'on his country's
wrongs,' but satisfied himself that if the independence of Ireland was a
patriot's first object, this could be attained only by uprooting the
existing land system, by hounding on the occupiers of the soil against its
owners, and by handing it over as spoil to the peasantry. Davitt was
released from Dartmoor at the close of 1877; he attended a meeting in
Dublin at which Parnell was present, and two of the assassins of the
Phoenix Park tragedy; and he became supreme in the ranks of the Fenian
societies, known as 'the Irish Republican Brotherhood,' which still
retained a feeble life in Ireland, and even in England and Scotland. A
short time afterwards he made his way to the United States, where he found
the Fenians divided into two parties, known under the general name of the
Clan na Gael, but having different objects, though with a common purpose.
Both parties were for liberating Ireland 'from the Saxon yoke;' but the
most violent and the most active sought to attain this end by expedients
of desperate force; a 'skirmishing fund' had been established; 'England
was to be invaded' by small bodies of 'resolute men;' her capital and
chief towns were to be destroyed by dynamite. The other party, more
prudent, but with similar aims, had been struck by Parnell's attitude in
the House of Commons, and by the success of his unscrupulous tactics; its
leaders began to think that something might be done by 'constitutional
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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