Ireland -- Politics and government -- 1901-1910; Land tenure -- Ireland
of the new Irish land code, they have been cut down to 'fair rents' of
L900 a year only. His annual income, therefore, would be L900 less by
L400, that is, he would still have L500 a year he could call his own; how
would it be with him were he forcibly sold out? Admit that his estate
would fetch eighteen years' purchase--the present average rate is
seventeen--that is, would realise L16,200; deducting, say, L200 for law
costs, this would be a net residue of L16,000. But the family charge would
absorb L10,000; the surplus would be L6000 only, producing, let us
calculate, L4 per cent.; this ruined man, therefore, who, little more than
twenty years ago, possessed an income of L1100 a year, would be left L240
at the very utmost. I have taken care to understate the case; I challenge
attention to my figures; I ask honest Englishmen would not this be sheer
robbery, accomplished, to the disgrace of the State, in its name?
It has been urged, however--and to those who know the facts, the statement
is cruel and shameful mockery--that the Irish landlord would only lose his
rented lands, and that 'he could live happily on the demesne land, which
he would still retain.' This would be simply impossible in the case of
nineteen-twentieths of the class; they would not have the means to keep
their demesnes up; they would be compelled to part with them at almost any
price; and the few, who would have the means, would, all but certainly,
with their beggared fellows, leave a country in which they had been foully
betrayed. It is notorious, indeed, that Irish Nationalist leaders, knowing
what compulsory purchase means, have marked down the demesnes of the Irish
landed gentry as their prey; associates of American Fenians and of the
Clan na Gael are to revel in the mansions of the Geraldines, the Butlers,
the O'Connors, the O'Neills, as Jacobins revelled in the mansions of the
La Tremouilles and the De Noailles. But man does not live by bread alone;
the material ruin of the Irish landlord would be bad enough; but the moral
consequences of his expropriation must not be left out of sight. Few of
the purchasers under the Encumbered Estates Acts care probably much about
the lands they have bought; the same remark probably applies to most Irish
absentees. But an immense majority of the Irish landed gentry are deeply
attached to their hearths and their homes; they are bound to their lands
by innumerable ties; they have been brought up with the sentiments which
property in land creates; in the pathetic words of an old chronicler,
'They do not wish to pray in foreign churches, or to lie in foreign
graves;' their hope has been to live and die amidst their ancestral
surroundings. The State has, in a special manner, encouraged this belief;
it rooted the Irish landlord in the soil to be its supporter; is it to
expel him from the position it has made for him, without a thought of the
shock to his best feelings this must produce? Would not such an act be
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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