Ireland -- Politics and government -- 1901-1910; Land tenure -- Ireland
... Each new step Gladstone takes is, as it seems to me, more and more on
the side of _moral_ as well as political evil. Much as I disapproved of
his surrender of last year to Parnell, I disapprove very much more of his
present endeavour to prevent the restoration in the present stage of the
Home Rule question, of the reign of law in Ireland, and of the _means_ he
is attempting to use for _that_ purpose. Deliberate and organised
obstruction in the House of Commons, and an attempt to overrule a majority
against him there, of more than one hundred, by violent appeals to popular
passions outside,--those appeals being supported by representing the cause
of anarchy and conspiring against law as the cause of liberty,--by denying
the existence of any case for strengthening the law, in the face of a
complete and manifest paralysis of law by the power of a seditious
organisation, into whose scale he has now thrown his whole influence,--and
by denouncing, in the most violent terms, the principle of measures for
the protection of the loyal, and for securing the due administration of
justice, which are the same (in their general character, for it is not
necessary here to go into questions of detail) with those by means of
which he himself governed Ireland for the last years of his power, and far
more consistent with all real ideas of liberty than the suspension of the
Habeas Corpus Act, which he introduced in 1881. It was quite open to him
(of course) to contend that, by the acceptance of his Home Rule scheme,
the necessity for any such measures might be prevented, and that he
prefers and insists upon that alternative,--so much as _that_ was involved
in his measures of last year; but it is quite a different thing to
denounce the principle of maintaining law and government, and defending
those who respect and obey law from the tyranny of conspirators against
it, and making the ordinary criminal law of the country a reality and not
a mere idle name,--'as coercion,' in the sense of an undue invasion of
liberty. To do this, and to appeal _ad populum_ against it from an
overwhelming majority in Parliament is _Acheronta movere_, with a
vengeance.... For a man who, with his attainments, his experience, his
professions, his fifty years' public service, his political education
under some of the greatest and best men of the time, has three times
filled the highest office in the State, and is now on the verge of the
grave, so to end his career, seems to me more shocking and disheartening
than anything else recorded in our history. It is only the old respect,
and old attachment, which makes one search about for the possible
explanations, in the workings of a very complex and intricate mind. If (as
I trust) the Government and the House of Commons stand firm, all his
efforts in the cause of anarchy will be in vain. The clause as to removing
trials to England may have to be given up; but the _permanence_ of the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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