[14] 'Report of the Childers Commission,' p. 72. I cite also the following from the Report, p. 43: 'The income-tax figures are, perhaps, the best and most complete test of the comparative growth of the wealth of the two countries. Taking the two years, 1854 and 1892, we find that the net assessment for Great Britain was, in 1854, L245,389,931; and in 1892, L570,971,740. The net assessment for Ireland was, in 1854, L21,334,448; and in 1892, L26,851,585. In these thirty-eight years the net assessment for Great Britain is more than two and a third times as great as it was in 1854, whilst that for Ireland has only increased by one quarter. Put in percentage form, the figures are still more striking: In 1854 Great Britain was assessed at 92 per cent. of the whole; Ireland 8 per cent. In 1892 Great Britain was assessed at 95.50 per cent, of the whole; Ireland 4.50 per cent. In other words, Ireland's assessment was to that of Great Britain as 1 to 11 in 1854, and as 1 to 21 in 1892.' [15] See on this subject the true and indignant remarks of Mr. Lecky, 'Democracy and Liberty,' vol. i. pp. 27, 28. [16] The tone of disaffected opinion in Ireland can only be thoroughly understood by a careful study of the conduct and the language of 'Nationalist' leaders. I select a few specimens out of hundreds of instances. Mr. William O'Brien, the Corypheus of the United Irish League, spake thus at Letterkenny in January, 1900: 'If ten thousand Frenchmen, or Russians, or Germans were to land in Bantry Bay, with a supply of arms for the people, they would walk over the country and drive the English garrison into the sea.' The same worthy exclaimed at a monster meeting in Dublin in September, 'English rule in Ireland was so bad that they would be justified in chasing the English out of Ireland bag and baggage. What was wanting to them, unfortunately, were the guns and artillery to do it.' Mr. Michael Davitt, of Land League renown, speaking in the Queen's County about the same time, said, 'England is unquestionably the greatest empire of liars (loud cheers and laughter), of hypocrites, and of poltroons, judged by its achievements in South Africa, that has ever postured before mankind with a civilising mission.' Because the Corporation of Dublin voted, by a small majority, an address to Queen Victoria when she paid her last visit to Ireland, Mr. John Redmond, the chairman of the 'Irish Parliamentary Party,' said, in January, 1901, 'It rests with the people themselves to say whether they will redeem the reputation of Dublin from the stain that has been cast on it.' So Mr. John Dillon, M.P., spoke in the same sense, a few months ago, 'The voice of the capital will be the voice of the rest of Ireland (applause), that we will not tolerate in this old city that new type of politics which thinks it consistent with Irish nationality to cringe and crouch before a foreign queen.' At least two County Councils in Ireland, and more than one Local Board, refused to vote