Ireland -- Politics and government -- 1901-1910; Land tenure -- Ireland
A few politicians, however, have put the theory forward that 'Home Rule
all round' will meet the 'national demand' of Ireland, and give her what
they are pleased to call 'self-government.' England, Scotland, Ireland,
and perhaps Wales are to have local Parliaments to deal with their own
affairs; Imperial affairs are to be directed by an Imperial Council. I am
willing to admit that a scheme of this kind would be better than Mr.
Gladstone's Home Rule Bill of 1893; it would be less illogical, possibly
not more disastrous. But I must be permitted to doubt whether these sages
understand what their project certainly involves; this, indeed, seems to
be rather in the nature of a device to angle for Nationalist votes,
without scruple, and then to propose a plan which England, Scotland,
Ireland, and Wales have never asked for, and which England and Scotland,
at least, would indignantly reject. This scheme is pure Federalism, in the
proper sense of the word; let us briefly consider what this means from the
very nature of the case. England, Scotland, Ireland, and, I assume, Wales
would form separate States; they would have separate Legislatures and
Executives to manage their local affairs, separate local forces, separate
Courts of Justice; they would be, essentially, separate countries. The
Imperial Parliament and its Executive would be the only link between them;
there would be an Imperial army, and navy, and Imperial tribunals; but the
Imperial Parliament and its Executive would only have jurisdiction over
Imperial affairs, and would be only the head of the separate States as
respects Foreign Powers. But as it would be difficult in the extreme,
under these conditions, to distinguish local from Imperial affairs, an
arbiter of some kind, armed with sufficient powers, would be necessary to
say what affairs were local and what Imperial, and decisively to pronounce
on the subject, on the innumerable occasions when the question would
arise; and it would be necessary, too, that there should be some means,
perhaps a Referendum to a popular vote, to effect any constitutional
change, to reform or to abolish the Constitution itself. This scheme
obviously would be complex, intricate, and difficult to carry into effect;
it would be a huge system of divided, and probably conflicting, powers,
not easy to reconcile with each other; for this, and other reasons, it
would require a formal Constitution reduced to writing, and setting forth,
under distinct heads or articles, the conditions of the Federation that
had been established, the spheres of the authority of the separate
States, and the sphere of the authority of the Imperial Council. Is it
possible to suppose that the Parliament of the United Kingdom would ever
break up this ancient and undivided Monarchy; would tamely surrender its
sovereign rights, and would substitute a new-fangled fabric of this kind
for the venerable and unwritten constitution of these realms--a majestic
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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