Presidential addresses and state papers, Volume 2 (of 7)Roosevelt, Theodore
History
Presidential addresses and state papers, Volume 2 (of 7)
Roosevelt, Theodore
Roosevelt, Theodore, 1858-1919; United States -- Politics and government -- 1901-1909
progress of our gigantic industrial development. This industrial
development must not be checked, but side by side with it should go
such progressive regulation as will diminish the evils. We should
fail in our duty if we did not try to remedy the evils, but we shall
succeed only if we proceed patiently, with practical common-sense as
well as resolution, separating the good from the bad and holding on to
the former while endeavoring to get rid of the latter.
* * * * *
In my Message to the present Congress at its first session I discussed
at length the question of the regulation of those big corporations
commonly doing an interstate business, often with some tendency to
monopoly, which are popularly known as trusts. The experience of the
past year has emphasized, in my opinion, the desirability of the steps
I then proposed. A fundamental requisite of social efficiency is a
high standard of individual energy and excellence; but this is in no
wise inconsistent with power to act in combination for aims which can
not so well be achieved by the individual acting alone. A fundamental
base of civilization is the inviolability of property; but this is
in no wise inconsistent with the right of society to regulate the
exercise of the artificial powers which it confers upon the owners of
property, under the name of corporate franchises, in such a way as
to prevent the misuse of these powers. Corporations, and especially
combinations of corporations, should be managed under public
regulation. Experience has shown that under our system of government
the necessary supervision can not be obtained by State action. It
must therefore be achieved by national action. Our aim is not to do
away with corporations; on the contrary, these big aggregations are
an inevitable development of modern industrialism, and the effort to
destroy them would be futile unless accomplished in ways that would
work the utmost mischief to the entire body politic. We can do nothing
of good in the way of regulating and supervising these corporations
until we fix clearly in our minds that we are not attacking the
corporations, but endeavoring to do away with any evil in them. We
are not hostile to them; we are merely determined that they shall be
so handled as to subserve the public good. We draw the line against
misconduct, not against wealth. The capitalist who, alone or in
conjunction with his fellows, performs some great industrial feat by
which he wins money is a welldoer, not a wrongdoer, provided only he
works in proper and legitimate lines. We wish to favor such a man
when he does well. We wish to supervise and control his actions only
to prevent him from doing ill. Publicity can do no harm to the honest
corporation; and we need not be overtender about sparing the dishonest
corporation.
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