Presidential addresses and state papers, Volume 2 (of 7)Roosevelt, Theodore
History
Presidential addresses and state papers, Volume 2 (of 7)
Roosevelt, Theodore
Roosevelt, Theodore, 1858-1919; United States -- Politics and government -- 1901-1909
Nothing needs closer attention, nothing deserves to be treated with
more courage, caution and sanity, than the relations of the State to
corporate wealth, and indeed to vast individual wealth. For almost
every gain there is a penalty, and the great strides in the industrial
upbuilding of the country, which have on the whole been attended
with marked benefit, have also been attended by no little evil.
Great fortunes are usually made under very complex conditions both
of effort and of surrounding, and the mere fact of the complexity
makes it difficult to deal with the new conditions thus created. The
contrast offered in a highly specialized industrial community between
the very rich and the very poor is exceedingly distressing, and while
under normal conditions the acquirement of wealth by an individual is
necessarily of great incidental benefit to the community as a whole,
yet this is by no means always the case. In our great cities there is
plainly in evidence much wealth contrasted with much poverty, and some
of the wealth has been acquired, or is used, in a manner for which
there is no moral justification.
A profound political and social thinker has recently written: “Wealth
which is expended in multiplying and elaborating real comforts, or
even in pleasures which produce enjoyment at all proportionate to
their cost, will never excite serious indignation. It is the colossal
waste of the means of human happiness in the most selfish and most
vulgar forms of social advertisement and competition that gives a
force to passions which menace the whole future of our civilization.”
But in continuance this writer points out that the only effectual
check lies in the law of public opinion. Any attempt to interfere by
statute in moral questions of this kind, by fettering the freedom of
individual action, would be injurious to a degree far greater than
is the evil aimed at. Probably the large majority of the fortunes
that now exist in this country have been amassed, not by injuring
mankind, but as an incident to the conferring of great benefits on the
community—whatever the conscious purpose of those amassing them may
have been. The occasional wrongs committed or injuries endured are
on the whole far outweighed by the mass of good which has resulted.
The true questions to be asked are: Has any given individual been
injured by the acquisition of wealth by any man? Were the rights of
that individual, if they have been violated, insufficiently protected
by law? If so, these rights, and all similar rights, ought to be
guaranteed by additional legislation. The point to be aimed at is the
protection of the individual against wrong, not the attempt to limit
and hamper the acquisition and output of wealth.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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