Presidential addresses and state papers, Volume 3 (of 7)Roosevelt, Theodore
History
Presidential addresses and state papers, Volume 3 (of 7)
Roosevelt, Theodore
Roosevelt, Theodore, 1858-1919; United States -- Politics and government -- 1901-1909
had violated the rights of the United States or had invited foreign
aggression to the detriment of the entire body of American nations.
It is a mere truism to say that every nation, whether in America or
anywhere else, which desires to maintain its freedom, its independence,
must ultimately realize that the right of such independence can not be
separated from the responsibility of making good use of it.
In asserting the Monroe Doctrine, in taking such steps as we have
taken in regard to Cuba, Venezuela, and Panama, and in endeavoring to
circumscribe the theatre of war in the Far East, and to secure the
open door in China, we have acted in our own interest as well as in
the interest of humanity at large. There are, however, cases in which,
while our own interests are not greatly involved, strong appeal is made
to our sympathies. Ordinarily it is very much wiser and more useful for
us to concern ourselves with striving for our own moral and material
betterment here at home than to concern ourselves with trying to better
the condition of things in other nations. We have plenty of sins of our
own to war against, and under ordinary circumstances we can do more for
the general uplifting of humanity by striving with heart and soul to
put a stop to civic corruption, to brutal lawlessness and violent race
prejudices here at home than by passing resolutions about wrongdoing
elsewhere. Nevertheless there are occasional crimes committed on so
vast a scale and of such peculiar horror as to make us doubt whether it
is not our manifest duty to endeavor at least to show our disapproval
of the deed and our sympathy with those who have suffered by it. The
cases must be extreme in which such a course is justifiable. There
must be no effort made to remove the mote from our brother’s eye if we
refuse to remove the beam from our own. But in extreme cases action
may be justifiable and proper. What form the action shall take must
depend upon the circumstances of the case; that is, upon the degree
of the atrocity and upon our power to remedy it. The cases in which
we could interfere by force of arms as we interfered to put a stop
to intolerable conditions in Cuba are necessarily very few. Yet it
is not to be expected that a people like ours, which in spite of
certain very obvious shortcomings, nevertheless as a whole shows by
its consistent practice its belief in the principles of civil and
religious liberty and of orderly freedom, a people among whom even the
worst crime, like the crime of lynching, is never more than sporadic,
so that individuals and not classes are molested in their fundamental
rights—it is inevitable that such a nation should desire eagerly to
give expression to its horror on an occasion like that of the massacre
of the Jews in Kishineff, or when it witnesses such systematic and
long-extended cruelty and oppression as the cruelty and oppression of
which the Armenians have been the victims, and which have won for them
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