Presidential addresses and state papers, Volume 3 (of 7)Roosevelt, Theodore
History
Presidential addresses and state papers, Volume 3 (of 7)
Roosevelt, Theodore
Roosevelt, Theodore, 1858-1919; United States -- Politics and government -- 1901-1909
An aggrieved nation can without interfering with the Monroe Doctrine
take what action it sees fit in the adjustment of its disputes with
American States, provided that action does not take the shape of
interference with their form of government or of the despoilment of
their territory under any disguise. But, short of this, when the
question is one of a money claim, the only way which remains, finally,
to collect it is a blockade, or bombardment, or the seizure of the
custom-houses, and this means, as has been said above, what is in
effect a possession, even though only a temporary possession, of
territory. The United States then becomes a party in interest, because
under the Monroe Doctrine it can not see any European power seize and
permanently occupy the territory of one of these Republics; and yet
such seizure of territory, disguised or undisguised, may eventually
offer the only way in which the power in question can collect any
debts, unless there is interference on the part of the United States.
One of the difficult and increasingly complicated problems, which often
arise in Santo Domingo, grows out of the violations of contracts and
concessions, sometimes improvidently granted, with valuable privileges
and exemptions stipulated for upon grossly inadequate considerations
which were burdensome to the State, and which are not infrequently
disregarded and violated by the governing authorities. Citizens of the
United States and of other Governments holding these concessions and
contracts appeal to their respective Governments for active protection
and intervention. Except for arbitrary wrong, done or sanctioned by
superior authority, to persons or to vested property rights, the United
States Government, following its traditional usage in such cases, aims
to go no further than the mere use of its good offices, a measure
which frequently proves ineffective. On the other hand, there are
Governments which do sometimes take energetic action for the protection
of their subjects in the enforcement of merely contractual claims, and
thereupon American concessionaries, supported by powerful influences,
make loud appeal to the United States Government in similar cases for
similar action. They complain that in the actual posture of affairs
their valuable properties are practically confiscated, that American
enterprise is paralyzed, and that unless they are fully protected even
by the enforcement of their merely contractual rights, it means the
abandonment to the subjects of other Governments of the interests of
American trade and commerce through the sacrifice of their investments
by excessive taxes imposed in violation of contract, and by other
devices, and the sacrifice of the output of their mines and other
industries, and even of their railway and shipping interests, which
they have established in connection with the exploitation of their
concessions. Thus the attempted solution of the complex problem by
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