The Monroe Doctrine may be abandoned; we may forfeit it by taking our
lot with nations that expand by following un-American ways; we may
outgrow it, as we seem to be outgrowing other things we once valued;
or it may forever stand as a guaranty of protection and safety in our
enjoyment of free institutions; but in no event will this American
principle ever be better defined, better defended, or more bravely
asserted than was done by Mr. Olney in this despatch.
After referring to the various incidents of the controversy, and
stating the conditions then existing, it was declared:
The accuracy of the foregoing analysis of the existing status
cannot, it is believed, be challenged. It shows that status to
be such, that those charged with the interests of the United
States are now forced to determine exactly what those interests
are and what course of action they require. It compels them
to decide to what extent, if any, the United States may and
should intervene in a controversy between, and primarily
concerning, only Great Britain and Venezuela, and to decide
how far it is bound to see that the integrity of Venezuelan
territory is not impaired by the pretensions of its powerful
antagonist.
After an exhaustive explanation and vindication of the Monroe Doctrine,
and after asserting that aggressions by Great Britain on Venezuelan
soil would fall within its purview, the despatch proceeded as follows:
While Venezuela charges such usurpation, Great Britain denies
it; and the United States, until the merits are authoritatively
ascertained, can take sides with neither. But while this
is so,--while the United States may not, under existing
circumstances at least, take upon itself to say which of the
two parties is right and which is wrong,--it is certainly
within its right to demand that the truth be ascertained.
Being entitled to resent and resist any sequestration of
Venezuelan soil by Great Britain, it is necessarily entitled to
know whether such sequestration has occurred or is now going
on.... It being clear, therefore, that the United States may
legitimately insist upon the merits of the boundary question
being determined, it is equally clear that there is but one
feasible mode of determining them, viz., peaceful arbitration.
The demand of Great Britain that her right to a portion of the disputed
territory should be acknowledged as a condition of her consent to
arbitration as to the remainder, was thus characterized:
It is not perceived how such an attitude can be defended, nor
how it is reconcilable with that love of justice and fair
play so eminently characteristic of the English race. It in
effect deprives Venezuela of her free agency and puts her under
virtual duress. Territory acquired by reason of it will be as
much wrested from her by the strong hand as if occupied by
British troops or covered by British fleets.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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