Pride and Passion: Robert Burns, 1759-1796Ferguson, J. De Lancey (John De Lancey)
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Pride and Passion: Robert Burns, 1759-1796
Ferguson, J. De Lancey (John De Lancey)
Burns, Robert, 1759-1796
He would have been the last to claim that these suggestions were
free of any ulterior motive beside the general one of making himself
known as a thoughtful and efficient officer. He had other and more
immediate purposes. Not long after showing Provost Staig the revenue
possibilities of the ‘twa pennies’ tax on ale he had a petition to
make to the Burgh Council. When he first visited Dumfries in 1787
he had been made an honorary burgess; he now wanted that nominal
citizenship converted into a real one so far at least as concerned the
local schools. The sons of burgesses were entitled to free tuition at
Dumfries Academy, and the chance of getting his boys into a first-rate
school was not to be neglected. His petition set forth in detail
the help he had given to the local revenues. This may not have been
the reason why the Council at once granted his application, but it
certainly did not hamper it. Similarly his letters to Graham were
frankly motivated by a desire to get a post as acting supervisor at
the earliest possible moment and thereby to secure not only some small
immediate increase in income but the experience and reputation which
would count in his favour when a permanent position opened.
These were reasonable and legitimate efforts to gain prestige. He
indulged in others more ticklish and, in the perspective of history,
more futile. Burns lacked the right temperament for cultivating
politicians, but he could not help trying. He was once introduced, for
instance, to that very shady character, the Duke of Queensberry, whom
previously he had rated with some justice as a complete scoundrel.
At their meeting the Duke proved affable, and hearing that Burns had
written a song about the notorious ‘Whistle’ drinking bout mentioned
that he would like a copy. Burns sent it to him with a flattering
letter, no doubt hoping that at some future date the Duke’s influence
might be useful. There was nothing particularly dangerous in this,
for the Duke’s rank made him a public character irrespective of what
party was in power. But when Burns undertook to meddle in parliamentary
contests he was playing with fire. He had of course no vote himself,
but he wrote ballads in support of Whig candidates and continued to
do so until a few months before his death. From the viewpoint of 1792
something might have been said for this as good strategy, regardless of
the poet’s actual sympathies. Except for the brief Rockingham ministry
at the end of the American War the Tories had been in power for nearly
a generation and a reversal was overdue. When and if the Whigs came
in a man who had supported them in their time of adversity would be
entitled to special favours. Neither Burns nor anyone else in Britain
could foresee Napoleon and realize that Pitt’s ministry, which had
already been on the verge of disaster over the Regency Bill, would,
thanks to the Frenchman, remain in office until after Burns and most of
his parliamentary friends were in their graves.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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