Prime Ministers and Some Others: A Book of ReminiscencesRussell, George William Erskine
History
Prime Ministers and Some Others: A Book of Reminiscences
Russell, George William Erskine
Great Britain -- Biography
But let us suppose an extreme case. Let us imagine a Dean and Chapter
so deeply impressed by the unsuitableness of the Crown's nominee
that they refuse to elect him. Here, again, the law dodges us.
Except as a protest their refusal would have not the slightest
effect. The Crown has nothing to do but issue Letters Patent in
favour of its nominee, and he would be as secure of his bishopric as
if the Chapter had chosen him with one consent of heart and voice.
True, he would not yet be a Bishop; for the episcopal character can
only be conferred by consecration, and at this point the Archbishop
becomes responsible. To him the King signifies the fact that Dr.
Proudie has been elected to the See of Barchester, requiring him to
"confirm, invest, and consecrate" that divine. Should the Archbishop
refuse compliance with this command, he exposes himself to exactly
the same penalties as would be inflicted on a recalcitrant Chapter,
only with this aggravation--that he has more to lose. When my good
friend the Bishop of Oxford addressed the Archbishop of Canterbury,
imploring him to withhold consecration from Dr. Henson, he made a
valiant and faithful protest against what he holds to be a flagitious
action on the part of the Crown; but, knowing the respected occupant
of Lambeth as well as he does, I think he must have anticipated
the reply which, as a matter of fact, he received.
Such being the absurdities and unrealities which surround the Congé
d'Élire, one naturally asks, Why not abolish it? This question was
raised in a pointed form by the late Mr. C. J. Monk, for many years
Liberal M.P. for the City of Gloucester, who, in 1880, introduced a
Bill to abolish the Congé and to place the appointment of Bishops
formally, as it is really, in the hands of the Prime Minister. He
urged the painful sense of unreality which clings to the whole
transaction, and the injury to religion which is involved in thus
paltering in a double sense with sacred forms and words. It is
amusing to those who can recall the two men to remember that Mr.
Monk was opposed by Lord Randolph Churchill, who thought he perceived
in the proposal some dark design hostile to the interests of the
Established Church; but the important speech was made by Gladstone.
That great man, always greatest in debate when his case was weakest,
opposed the abolition of the Congé. He deprecated any legislation
which would interfere with one of the most delicate functions of
the Crown, and he insisted that the true path of reform lay, not
in the abolition of the form of election, but in an attempt to
re-invest it with some elements of reality. This was well enough,
and eminently characteristic of his reverence for ancient forms
of constitutional action; but what was more surprising was that,
speaking from long and intimate experience of its practical working
he maintained that the Congé d'Élire, even under the nullifying
conditions now attached to it, was "a moral check upon the prerogatives
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