The examples which I have given demonstrate beyond cavil that the process of reading in exists and accounts for the significance of many geometrical forms; that it is not necessary to assume in each and every case that geometrical ornament is derived from realistic representations. Hjalmar Stolpe to whose researches on primitive art we owe so much had an exaggerated opinion of the importance of realistic designs, for he believed that every geometric form must have been derived from a representation. Stephan expresses the same opinion. I may perhaps illustrate Stolpe’s point of view by one example. Among the Eskimo of East Greenland is found an eye-shade decoration consisting of notched pieces of ivory placed side by side. Stolpe explained this form as a derivation from carvings representing seals, abbreviated due to the rhythmic repetition of the seal design (fig. 121). However, we know that the Eskimo when making small blocks of ivory, such as are used for the manufacture of toggles or other similar objects, cut the walrus tusk just in this manner, so that through a technical process they have become familiar with the ornamental form. Therefore it is not indispensable to assume a realistic origin for the design. It is interesting to compare the process with which we are dealing with other ethnic phenomena of similar import. The essential conclusion drawn from our observations is that the same form may be given different meanings, that the form is constant, the interpretation variable, not only tribally but also individually. It can be shown that this tendency is not by any means confined to art, but that it is present also in mythology and in ceremonialism, that in these also the outer form remains, while the accompanying interpretations are widely different. In the case of mythology we may observe that in the same way as patterns have a wide distribution, so also motives of myths, or even whole plots are found over extended areas. For example, the well known tale of the magic flight, which is one of the most widely distributed fairy tales, occurs in a number of North American localities. Among the Eskimo it is given as accounting for the origin of fog; in British Columbia it is made to account for the origin of certain cannibalistic ceremonials. Another example is the so-called star husband story, a tale of two girls who were taken up to the sky by the stars. The story is widely spread and is told as the explanation of a great variety of phenomena. The child of one of the women becomes the culture hero and destroys the monsters infesting the world. Customs, ceremonials, and prerogatives of clans are explained by this tale, in accordance with the chief interests of the tribes concerned. The nature myths collected from all parts of the world by Dähnhardt[73] are full of examples of this kind: the most diverse features are explained by the same tales. This shows that it is quite untenable to assume that the tales