=97.= It is obvious that all the rules, which were enumerated above as
likely to be useful in _almost any_ state of society, can _also_ be
defended owing to results which they produce under conditions which
exist only in particular states of society. And it should be noticed
that we are entitled to reckon among these conditions the sanctions of
legal penalties, of social disapproval, and of private remorse, where
these exist. These sanctions are, indeed, commonly treated by Ethics
only as motives for the doing of actions of which the utility can be
proved independently of the existence of these sanctions. And it may
be admitted that sanctions _ought_ not to be attached to actions which
would not be right independently. Nevertheless it is plain that, where
they do exist, they are not only motives but also justifications for
the actions in question. One of the chief reasons why an action should
not be done in any particular state of society is that it will be
punished; since the punishment is in general itself a greater evil than
would have been caused by the omission of the action punished. Thus
the existence of a punishment may be an adequate reason for regarding
an action as generally wrong, even though it has no other bad effects
but even slightly good ones. The fact that an action will be punished
is a condition of exactly the same kind as others of more or less
permanence, which must be taken into account in discussing the general
utility or disutility of an action in a particular state of society.
=98.= It is plain, then, that the rules commonly recognised by Common
Sense, in the society in which we live, and commonly advocated as if
they were all equally and universally right and good, are of very
different orders. Even those which seem to be most universally good
as means, can only be shewn to be so, because of the existence of
conditions, which, though perhaps evils, may be taken to be necessary;
and even these owe their more obvious utilities to the existence of
other conditions, which cannot be taken to be necessary except over
longer or shorter periods of history, and many of which are evils.
Others seem to be justifiable _solely_ by the existence of such more or
less temporary conditions, unless we abandon the attempt to shew that
they are means to that preservation of society, which is itself a mere
means, and are able to establish that they are directly means to things
good or evil in themselves, but which are not commonly recognised to be
such.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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