Problems in Greek historyMahaffy, J. P. (John Pentland)
History
Problems in Greek history
Mahaffy, J. P. (John Pentland)
Greece -- Historiography; Greece -- History
§ 76. The debate in the present case was somewhat different in its
details. The Achæan League, a number of small cities situated upon a
coast exposed to pirates, and able to foresee from lofty posts the
coming raid, united voluntarily for attack and defence, and so formed a
Confederacy, which lasted a long time before the wealth gained by its
members as mercenaries and the decay of the greater Powers of Greece
brought it into prominence[181:1]. These cities had a common executive
and a sort of cabinet, preparing the business for the general Assembly,
which met for three days twice a year, and then decisions were obtained
from this Assembly and measures ratified by its votes. But as the more
distant members could not attend in great numbers, the members of each
city present, whether few or many, gave that city's vote, which counted
as an unit in the Confederacy. The result was of course to put political
power into the hands of the richer classes, who had leisure to leave
their own affairs and go regularly to the Assembly at Ægion[181:2].
[Sidenote: Statement of the new difficulty]
The difficulties which now arose were these: Had any of the original
twelve towns, that had voluntarily formed this Union, the right to
withdraw their adhesion? In a lesser degree, had the towns that
afterwards joined in consequence of the pressure of circumstances, but
by a deliberate and public vote, a right to rescind that vote? And in a
still less degree, had any town which had subscribed to the Achæan
constitution any right to violate its observance in one point, as by
negotiating separately with another State, or was it bound to observe in
all respects the terms imposed by the Union from which it was not
allowed to secede?
[Sidenote: in its clearest form never yet settled except by force.]
The first of these cases is by far the most perplexing, and I am not
aware that it has ever been settled by any argument better than an
appeal to force. To the Greeks, at all events, it seemed that the right
of autonomy--the power to manage one's own affairs--was the inalienable
right of every _city_; just as the Irish Nationalists may be heard daily
asserting it for every _nation_[182:1].
[Sidenote: Case of the American Union.]
In our own youth we heard this right far more seriously urged by the
seceding States of the American Union, some of which had been members of
the first combination, and had voluntarily ceded certain portions of
their political rights, at least their theoretical rights, in return for
the protection and support of the Confederation as a whole. These States
argued that if the Union began to interfere in the domestic concerns of
each,--such, for example, as the practice of permitting household
slaves,--it was a breach of contract, and justified the State in
formally repudiating the remainder of the contract. But even had there
been no encroachment by new legislation, the Greek city claimed the
right of returning to its isolated independence.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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