Proceedings of the New York Historical Association [1906]New York State Historical Association. Meeting
History
Proceedings of the New York Historical Association [1906]
New York State Historical Association. Meeting
New York (State) -- History -- Periodicals; New York State Historical Association -- Periodicals
In his anxiety the President also instructed Madison, his Secretary of
State, to write Pinckney, the American minister at Madrid, to guarantee
to Spain, if it had not already parted with its title, peaceable
possession of Louisiana beyond the Mississippi, on condition of its
ceding to the United States the territory, including New Orleans, on
the east side. As the year wore on, however, and Leclerc's death
followed his report of his losses, Jefferson became much easier,
advising Livingston that French possession of Louisiana would not be
"important enough to risk a breach of the peace." But before the ink
had time to dry, almost simultaneously with the death of Leclerc, came
the news, through Governor Claiborne of the Territory of Mississippi,
that the Spanish Intendent had forbidden Americans the right to deposit
their merchandise at New Orleans. This was a stunning blow to the
President. The treaty of 1795 stipulated that the King of Spain would
"permit the citizens of the United States, for the space of three years
from this time, to deposit their merchandise and effects in the Port of
New Orleans, and to export them from thence, without paying any other
duty than a fair price for the hire of the stores, and his majesty
promises either to continue this permission if he find during that time
it is not prejudicial to the interests of Spain, or, if he should not
agree to continue it thus, he will assign to them on another part of the
banks of the Mississippi an equivalent establishment." That the three
years' limitation had expired during President Adams' administration
without the right being extended or its equivalent established, did not
help Jefferson out of his difficulty, since the Kentucky and Tennessee
settlers were already cleaning their flintlocks on the theory that it
was easier to drive out a few Spaniards than to dislodge a French army
after it had fortified. This was good reasoning if Louisiana was to be
taken by force. But Jefferson, even when writing threatening letters,
had no thought of war. "Peace is our passion," he wrote Sir John
Sinclair, and in the presence of threatening hostilities he did nothing
to prepare for war. His message to Congress, which opened a few days
after the reception of Claiborne's dispatch, made no mention of the
New Orleans trouble. He talked about everything else, but of what
everybody else was talking about the President said nothing. The
western settlers, vitally interested in a depot of deposit at New
Orleans, resented such apparent apathy, and by resolutions and
legislative action encouraged the federalists to talk so loudly for
war that the President, alarmed at the condition of the public mind,
sent James Monroe's name to the Senate as minister extraordinary to
France and Spain. On January 13, 1803, the day of Monroe's confirmation,
Jefferson hastened to write him, explaining what he had done and why
he had acted. "The agitation of the public mind on occasion of the late
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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