Proofs of a Conspiracy against all the Religions and Governments of Europe: carried on in the secret meetings of Free Masons, Illuminati, and reading societies.Robison, John
History
Proofs of a Conspiracy against all the Religions and Governments of Europe: carried on in the secret meetings of Free Masons, Illuminati, and reading societies.
Robison, John
Freemasonry -- Early works to 1800; Illuminati -- Early works to 1800
But I cannot help thinking that this is a misconception, almost in
every circumstance. I do not know any opposite interests in the
State, except the general one of the governor and the governed, the
king and the subject.--If there is an umpire in our constitution,
it is the house of Lords--but this is not as a representation of
the persons of birth, but as a court of hereditary magistrates: the
Peers do not meet to defend their own privileges as citizens, but
either as the counsellors of the King, or as judges in the last
resort. The privileges for which we see them sometimes contend, are
not the privileges of the high-born, of the great vassals of the
Crown, but the privileges of the House of Lords, of the supreme
Court of Judicature, or of the King's Council. In all the nations
on the Continent, the different Orders, as they are called, of the
State, are corporations, bodies politic, which have jurisdiction
within themselves, and rights which they can maintain at their
own hand, and privileges which mark them most distinctly, and
produce such a complete separation between the different Orders,
that they can no more mix than oil and water. Yet the great
president Montesquieu says, that the Peerage of England is a _body_
of Nobility; and he uses the term _body_ in the strict sense now
mentioned, as synonymous to corporation. He has repeatedly used
this term to denote the second order of Frenchmen, persons of
noble birth, or ennobled, (that is, vested in the privileges and
distinctions of the nobly born,) united by law, and having authority
to maintain their privileges. The history of France, nay of our own
country, shows us that this body may enjoy all its distinctions
of nobility, and that the Great Barons may enjoy the prerogatives
of their baronies, although the authority of the Crown is almost
annihilated.--We have no cogent reason, therefore, for thinking
that they will be constantly careful to support the authority of
the Crown; and much less to believe that they will, at the same
time, watch over the liberties of the people. In the election of
their representatives, (for the whole body of the gentlemen must
appear by representation,) we must not expect that they will select
such of their own number as will take care of those two essential
objects of our constitution.--Equally jealous of the authority
of the Crown and of the encroachments of all those who are not
gentlemen, and even fearful of the assumptions of the Great Barons,
the powerful individuals of their own order, they will always choose
such representatives as will defend their own rights in the first
place. Such persons are by no means fit for maintaining the proper
authority of the Crown, and keeping the representatives of the lower
classes within proper bounds.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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