Any theory based on the separate sovereignties of the states, has, on the other hand, a frail support. The question was not _who_ formed the constitution, but _what_ was formed. All the great powers of sovereignty, such as foreign relations, the right to treat, make war and peace, to control commerce, to coin money, etc. etc. are expressly ceded. But these are not, after all, the greatest blows that are given to the doctrine of reserved sovereignty. A power to _alter_ the constitution, as has just been remarked, has been granted, by which even the _dissenting states_ have become bound. The only right reserved, is that of the equal representation in the senate, and it would follow, perhaps, as a legitimate consequence, the preservation of the confederated polity; but South Carolina could, under the theory of the constitution, be stripped of her right to control nearly every social interest; every man, woman and child in the state dissenting. It is scarcely worth while to construct a sublimated theory, on the sovereignty of a community so situated by the legitimate theory of the government under which it actually exists! No means can be devised, that will always protect the weak from the aggressions of the strong, under the forms of law; and nature has pointed out the remedy, when the preponderance of good is against submission; but one cannot suppress his expression of astonishment, at finding any respectable portion of a reasoning community, losing sight of this simple and self-evident truth, to uphold a doctrine as weak as that of nullification, viewed as a legal remedy. If the American statesmen (_quasi_ and real) would imitate the good curate and the bachelor of Don Quixote, by burning all the political heresies, with which their libraries, not to say their brains, are now crammed, and set seriously about studying the terms and the nature of the national compact, without reference to the notions of men who had no connexion with the country, the public would be the gainers, and occasionally one of them might stand a chance of descending to posterity in some other light than that of the mere leader of a faction.] LETTER XX. Excursion with Lafayette.--Vincennes.--The Donjon.--Lagrange.--The Towers.--Interior of the House--the General's Apartments.--the Cabinet. --Lafayette's Title.--Church of the Chateau.--Ruins of Vivier.--Roman Remains.--American Curiosity.--The Table at Lagrange.--Swindling. To R. COOPER, ESQ. COOPERSTOWN. I have said nothing to you of Lagrange, though I have now been there no less than three times. Shortly after our arrival in Paris, General Lafayette had the kindness to send us an invitation; but we were deterred from going for sometime, by the indisposition of one of the family. In the autumn of 1826, I went, however, alone; in the spring I went again, carrying Mrs. ---- with me; and I have now just returned from a third visit, in which I went with my wife, accompanied by one or two more of the family.