Religion and the WarYale University. Divinity School
Religion
Religion and the War
Yale University. Divinity School
World War, 1914-1918; World War, 1914-1918 -- Religious aspects
The war is showing a vision of our need and of the goal of our effort.
That the road to a larger and more effective unity of the religious
forces of America is full of difficulties is no reason why a Christian
man should hesitate to tread it. It is as true now as when the Master
said it, that "with God all things are possible."
X
THE RELIGIOUS BASIS OF WORLD
RE-ORGANIZATION[1]
E. HERSHEY SNEATH
When we reflect upon the situation of the race today, with the leading
nations in the throes of a war of unparalleled dimensions and
destructiveness, we are appalled at the impotency of those forces that
heretofore have tended toward world-organization. Time was when
international treaties and laws seemed to have at least a semblance of
inhibiting sanctity, but in recent years they are regarded in certain
quarters as mere "scraps of paper," and the supposed "rights" of
nations are treated with scorn and contempt. The black flag of piracy,
hitherto regarded as the symbol of international outlawry, floats on
the high seas, and the assassination of neutrals and noncombatants is
regarded by some as a national virtue. For centuries humane
considerations obtained with reference to prisoners of war and to
partially conquered nations. Now, certain nations have substituted for
such humanitarianism, outrage, brutality and enforced slavery. In
short, international pact and law seem to have broken down. Their
restraints have yielded to the unbridled force of national greed and
lust for power.
Again, in the past, the moral imperatives, independent of political
treaties and laws, have exercised a wholesome constraining and
restraining influence on the relations of different peoples, and have
made for fraternal world-organization. Man is constitutionally a moral
being, and is, to a certain extent, governed by sentiments of justice
and benevolence. These moral elements of our nature have led us to
have regard for man as man, rather than for men as members of
particular nations and races. Hence, in our interaction there has been
a tendency to recognize and respect what we have been wont to call
human rights as growing out of the essential constitution of
personality. The same tendency has characterized our attitude toward
men organized under political government. But alas! these fundamental
moral claims are now flagrantly violated. The morally right has, with
some nations, degenerated into the right of might.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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