Reminiscences of a Canadian Pioneer for the last Fifty Years: An AutobiographyThompson, Samuel
History
Reminiscences of a Canadian Pioneer for the last Fifty Years: An Autobiography
Thompson, Samuel
Frontier and pioneer life -- Ontario; Thompson, Samuel, 1810-1886; Toronto (Ont.) -- Biography; Toronto (Ont.) -- History
that they are _a Council_ for the Governor to consult, but no
more. And I have yet met with no 'Responsible Government' man,
who was not satisfied with the doctrine. In fact, there is no
other theory which has common sense. Either the Governor is the
Sovereign or the Minister. If the first, he may have ministers,
but he cannot be responsible to the Government at home, and all
colonial government becomes impossible. He must, therefore, be
the Minister, in which case he cannot be under the control of
men in the colony."
It is only just that the truth should be clearly established on this
question. Responsible Government was not an issue between Canadian
Reformers and Tories in any sense; but exclusively between the Colonies
and the statesmen of the Mother Country. On several occasions prior to
Mackenzie's Rebellion, Tory majorities had affirmed the principle; and
Ogle R. Gowan, an influential Orangeman, had published a pamphlet in its
favour. Yet some recent historians of Canada have fallen into the
foolish habit of claiming for the Reform party all the good legislation
of the past forty years, until they seem really to believe the figment
themselves.[11]
I am surprised that writers who condemn Sir F. B. Head for acting as his
own Prime Minister, in strict accordance with his instructions, can see
nothing to find fault with in Lord Sydenham's doing the very same thing
in an infinitely more arbitrary and offensive manner. Where Sir Francis
persuaded, Lord Sydenham coerced, bribed and derided.
Lower Canada was never consulted as to her own destiny. Because a
fraction of her people chose to strike for independence, peaceable
French Canadians were treated bodily as a conquered race, with the
undisguised object of swamping their nationality and language, and
over-riding their feelings and wishes. It is said that the result has
justified the means. But what casuistry is this? What sort of friend to
Responsible Government must he be, who employs force to back his
argument? To inculcate the voluntary principle at the point of the
bayonet, is a peculiarly Hibernian process, to say the least.
[Footnote 10: On reference to Sir F. B. Head's "Emigrant," pp. 376-8,
the reader will find the following letters:--
"1. _From the Hon. Sir. A. N. MacNab._
"Legislative Assembly,
"Montreal, 28th March, 1846.
"My dear Sir Francis,
"I have no hesitation in putting on paper the conversation which
took place between Lord Durham and myself, on the subject of the
Union. He asked me if I was in favour of the Union; I said,
'No;' he replied, 'If you are a friend to your country, _oppose
it to the death._'
"I am, &c.,
"(Signed) Allan N. MacNab.
"Sir F. B. Head, Bart."
"2. _From W. E. Jervis, Esq._
"Toronto, March 12th, 1846.
"Dear Sir Allan,
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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