Freed persons; Reconstruction (U.S. history, 1865-1877); Southern States -- Politics and government -- 1865-1950
It will be difficult for the employers to pay their laborers quarterly, as
required by present orders. Money can only be realized yearly on a cotton
crop, because to make such a crop requires an entire year's work in
planting, picking, ginning, and sending to market. The lien upon the crop
secures the laborer his pay at the end of the year, for which he can
afford to wait, as all the necessaries of life are furnished by the
planter, who could not pay quarterly except at a great sacrifice.
The present orders recommend that the freedmen remain with their former
masters so long as they are kindly treated. This, as a temporary policy,
is the best that could be adopted, but I very much doubt its propriety as
a permanent policy. It will tend to rebuild the fallen fortunes of the
slaveholders, and re-establish the old system of class legislation, thus
throwing the political power of the country back into the hands of this
class, who love slavery and hate freedom and republican government. It
would, in my opinion, be much wiser to diffuse this free labor among the
laboring people of the country, who can sympathize with the laborer, and
treat him with humanity.
I would suggest that great care be taken in the selection of officers of
the bureau to be sent to the various counties. The revolution of the whole
system of labor has been so sudden and radical as to require great caution
and prudence on the part of the officers charged with the care of the
freedmen. They should be able to discuss the question of free labor as a
matter of political economy, and by reason and good arguments induce the
employers to give the system a fair and honest trial.
Nowhere that I have been do the people generally realise the fact that the
negro is free. The day I arrived at Jackson _en route_ for Canton, both
the newspapers at that place published leading editorials, taking the
ground that the emancipation proclamation was unconstitutional, and
therefore void; that whilst the negro who entered the army _might_ be
free, yet those who availed themselves not of the proclamation were still
slaves, and that it was a question for the State whether or not to adopt a
system of gradual emancipation. These seem to be the views of the people
generally, and they expressed great desire "to get rid of these
garrisons," when they hope "to have things their own way." And should the
care and protection of the nation be taken away from the freedmen, these
people will have their own way, and will practically re-establish slavery,
more grinding and despotic than of old.
Respectfully submitted:
J.L. HAYNES,
_Colonel First Texas Cavalry_.
Captain B.F. MOREY,
_Assistant Adjutant General_.
Official:
STUART ELDRIDGE,
_Lieutenant and Acting Assistant Adjutant General_.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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