Freed persons; Reconstruction (U.S. history, 1865-1877); Southern States -- Politics and government -- 1865-1950
The opinion and feeling among the negroes throughout this district,
comprising the counties of Claiborne, Copiah, Lawrence, Covington, Jones,
Wayne, Jefferson, Franklin, Pike, Marion, Perry, Greene, Adams,
Wilkinson, Amite, Hancock, Harrison, and Jackson, and Concordia and
Teusas parishes, Louisiana, are almost unanimous on one point, viz: they
will remain this year on their old places for a support, and such
remuneration as the crop raised can give them, but next year they will
leave and make other arrangements. They say that they have tried their
old masters, know what they require, and how they will be treated, and
that, as they are now free, they will try some other place and some other
way of working. They take this view not because they are tired of work,
or because they want to be idle, but because they are free, and want to
find out in what their freedom consists.
To contend with the results of this opinion will be the great work flung
upon the hands of some one next year. And not only will they have to see
that the laborers are properly settled, but they must provide for the
crippled, the helpless and the children. The planters cannot be made to
support those who are too feeble to give any return, and who only remain
because they are too old or too young to get away. What, then, is to
become of them?
As to those who can labor, there will be no difficulty--the demand for
laborers will far exceed the supply. The great trouble will be to keep
the negro in the State, and to provide assistance for those who are
unable to take care of themselves. Another want to be provided for is
that of education. If we are to have good, industrious, and law-abiding
people, we must provide some means for their education. It is intended to
place a teacher in every town in which schools can be established and
protected. From conversations with intelligent citizens, whom I feel
assured, represent the feelings of a large class of people, I think that
for some time the equality of negroes and whites before the law, as
regards testimony, will be merely an equality in name.
Citizens say that their legislature may, and probably will, make laws
receiving the testimony of negroes in all cases, as a means of inducing
the government to re-admit them to a full exercise of their State
jurisdiction and representation, but that no southern jury can ever be
found that, when it comes to a case where twenty negroes testify one way,
and two white men testify the other, will not decide in favor of the
white, and virtually throw out the negro testimony. Of course this matter
of testimony will settle itself with time, and a negro's word obtain the
same credit from his individual character as among whites, for the
whites, having cases that they are dependent upon negro testimony for,
will in the course of time be brought by their own interests to take and
demand the full benefit of the law; but for some time, although legally
admitted, it will in fact be excluded.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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