Representative British Orations Volume 1 (of 4): With Introductions and Explanatory Notes
History
Representative British Orations Volume 1 (of 4): With Introductions and Explanatory Notes
Speeches, addresses, etc., English
My idea is nothing more. Refined policy ever has been the parent of
confusion, and ever will be so as long as the world endures. Plain good
intention, which is as easily discovered at the first view as fraud
is surely detected at last, is (let me say) of no mean force in the
government of mankind. Genuine simplicity of heart is a healing and
cementing principle. My plan, therefore, being formed upon the most
simple grounds imaginable, may disappoint some people when they hear
it. It has nothing to recommend it to the pruriency of curious ears.
There is nothing at all new and captivating in it. It has nothing
of the splendor of the project which has been lately laid upon your
table by the noble Lord in the blue ribbon.[43] It does not propose to
fill your lobby with squabbling colony agents, who will require the
interposition of your mace at every instant to keep the peace among
them. It does not institute a magnificent auction of finance, where
captivated provinces come to general ransom by bidding against each
other, until you knock down the hammer, and determine a proportion of
payments beyond all the powers of algebra to equalize and settle.
The plan which I shall presume to suggest derives, however, one great
advantage from the proposition and registry of that noble Lord’s
project. The idea of conciliation is admissible. First, the House,
in accepting the resolution moved by the noble Lord, has admitted,
notwithstanding the menacing front of our address,[44] notwithstanding
our heavy bill of pains and penalties, that we do not think ourselves
precluded from all ideas of free grace and bounty.
The House has gone farther; it has declared conciliation admissible,
_previous_ to any submission on the part of America. It has even shot
a good deal beyond that mark, and has admitted that the complaints
of our former mode of exerting the right of taxation were not wholly
unfounded. That right, thus exerted, is allowed to have had something
reprehensible in it, something unwise, or something grievous; since, in
the midst of our heat and resentment, we, of ourselves, have proposed
a capital alteration, and, in order to get rid of what seemed so very
exceptionable, have instituted a mode that is altogether new; one that
is, indeed, wholly alien from all the ancient methods and forms of
Parliament.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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