Representative British Orations Volume 2 (of 4): With Introductions and Explanatory Notes
History
Representative British Orations Volume 2 (of 4): With Introductions and Explanatory Notes
Speeches, addresses, etc., English
The same circumstances gave great additional importance to our
discussion of continental politics. That discussion was no longer, as
in the preceding century, confined to a few pamphlets, written and
read only by men of education and rank, which reached the multitude
very slowly and rarely. In newspapers an almost daily appeal was
made, directly or indirectly, to the judgment and passions of almost
every individual in the kingdom, upon the measures and principles not
only of his own country, but of every state in Europe. Under such
circumstances, the tone of these publications, in speaking of foreign
governments, became a matter of importance. You will excuse me,
therefore, if, before I conclude, I remind you of the general nature
of their language on one or two very remarkable occasions, and of the
boldness with which they arraigned the crimes of powerful sovereigns,
without any check from the laws and magistrates of their own country.
This toleration, or rather this protection, was too long and uniform to
be accidental. I am, indeed, very much mistaken if it be not founded
upon a policy which this country can not abandon without sacrificing
her liberty and endangering her national existence.
The first remarkable instance which I shall choose to state of the
unpunished and protected boldness of the English press, of the freedom
with which they animadverted on the policy of powerful sovereigns, is
the partition of Poland in 1772; an act not, perhaps, so horrible in
its means, nor so deplorable in its immediate effects, as some other
atrocious invasions of national independence which have followed
it; but the most abominable in its general tendency and ultimate
consequences of any political crime recorded in history, because it was
the first practical breach in the system of Europe, the first example
of atrocious robbery perpetrated on unoffending countries which have
been since so liberally followed, and which has broken down all the
barriers of habit and principle which guarded defenceless states. The
perpetrators of this atrocious crime were the most powerful sovereigns
of the continent, whose hostility it certainly was not the interest of
Great Britain wantonly to incur. They were the most illustrious princes
of their age, and some of them were, doubtless, entitled to the highest
praise for their domestic administration, as well as for the brilliant
qualities which distinguished their characters. But none of these
circumstances, no dread of their resentment, no admiration of their
talents, no consideration for their rank, silenced the animadversion of
the English press. Some of you remember, all of you know, that a loud
and unanimous cry of reprobation and execration broke out against them
from every part of this kingdom. It was perfectly uninfluenced by any
considerations of our own mere national interest, which might perhaps
be supposed to be rather favorably affected by that partition. It was
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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