Representative British Orations Volume 3 (of 4): With Introductions and Explanatory Notes
History
Representative British Orations Volume 3 (of 4): With Introductions and Explanatory Notes
Speeches, addresses, etc., English
I do not think, gentlemen, that this ministry, or any other ministry,
is going to place us in the position of Rome. What I object to is the
revival of the idea. I care not how feebly, I care not even how,
from a philosophic or historical point of view, how ridiculous the
attempt at this revival may be. I say it indicates an intention—I say
it indicates a frame of mind, and the frame of mind, unfortunately, I
find, has been consistent with the policy of which I have given you
some illustrations—the policy of denying to others the rights that we
claim ourselves. No doubt, gentlemen, Rome may have had its work to
do, and Rome did its work. But modern times have brought a different
state of things. Modern times have established a sisterhood of nations,
equal, independent, each of them built up under that legitimate defence
which public law affords to every nation, living within its own
borders, and seeking to perform its own affairs; but if one thing more
than another has been detestable to Europe, it has been the appearance
upon the stage from time to time of men who, even in the times of
the Christian civilization, have been thought to aim at universal
dominion. It was this aggressive disposition on the part of Louis XIV.,
King of France, that led your forefathers, gentlemen, freely to spend
their blood and treasure in a cause not immediately their own, and to
struggle against the method of policy which, having Paris for its
centre, seemed to aim at an universal monarchy.[78]
It was the very same thing, a century and a half later, which was the
charge launched, and justly launched, against Napoleon, that under his
dominion France was not content even with her extended limits, but
Germany, and Italy, and Spain, apparently without any limit to this
pestilent and pernicious process, were to be brought under the dominion
or influence of France, and national equality was to be trampled under
foot, and national rights denied. For that reason, England in the
struggle almost exhausted herself, greatly impoverished her people,
brought upon herself, and Scotland too, the consequences of a debt
that nearly crushed their energies, and poured forth their best blood
without limit, in order to resist and put down these intolerable
pretensions.
Gentlemen, it is but in a pale and weak and almost despicable miniature
that such ideas are now set up, but you will observe that the poison
lies—that the poison and the mischief lie—in the principle and not the
scale.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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