Ritual and belief : $b Studies in the history of religionHartland, Edwin Sidney
Religion
Ritual and belief : $b Studies in the history of religion
Hartland, Edwin Sidney
Ethnopsychology; Magic; Religion; Rites and ceremonies
from other forms of social activity that in our stage of culture have
long vindicated their freedom.
Religion has therefore grown up with society. Its form has changed
with the changing forms of society. It cannot be said to be generated
by society, inasmuch as it is coeval with it. The very mould in which
a society in the lower stages of culture is cast is religious. Church
and State are of necessity coterminous, equivalent, {123} one. But
this evolution must of necessity have taken time. The inchoate society
of half-human beings would have had a correspondingly vague and
inchoate religion. As intelligence grew, the bonds of the horde would
gather strength, what we may call public opinion would become more and
more definite with the gradual acquisition of speech, until at last
man emerged in something like a regularly ordered community. It is
difficult for us to imagine the steps of this long process, by which,
with society, what we call religion was evolved. I have tried in an
earlier chapter to sketch the external conditions that would have
impressed humanity in its dawn. These external conditions would have
driven the individual more and more in upon the group, and thus would
have materially contributed to the conscious formation of common
interests founded upon the common need of material help, of sympathy,
and of relief from anxiety and terror, whether of actual or imagined
danger. The formation of common interests must have been accompanied
by the increasing subordination of the individual to the group. In the
extension of the authority of the group over the individual it is that
M. Durkheim finds the origin of the idea of the impersonal force which
the Omaha call _wakonda_. The idea, as I have shown, lies at the root
of the religious conceptions of peoples in more than one vast cultural
area. That such authority of the group, necessarily impersonal as it
is, would operate to strengthen the concept of a general impersonal
force, when once that concept had been formed, there can be no
question. To ascribe to it the origin of the concept, however, seems
to me an unwarranted inference. It is more probable that the conflict
of the Personal and the Impersonal should arise in the awakening mind
as the result of its outlook upon {124} the world. The whole
environment does not present a personal aspect at once. As
personalities grow into relative definiteness one after another, there
remains behind them the Unknown, full of vague possibilities,
impersonal, but the source of personalities, which are for ever
looming forth as the attention is concentrated on successive objects.
Since it is the source of personalities, it is the source of power,
mysterious and far-reaching, everywhere enveloping the beholder. It is
true this power, in order to become effectual, must clothe itself with
personal attributes. That, however, is not because it is formed on
experience of the authority of the group acting by individuals, but
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