Roman Public LifeGreenidge, A. H. J. (Abel Hendy Jones)
History
Roman Public Life
Greenidge, A. H. J. (Abel Hendy Jones)
Constitutional history -- Rome; Rome -- Politics and government
by the magistrates before the people to be ratified as laws; although
doubtless the undefined limits of plebeian prerogative were often
exceeded.
The first great utterance of the Plebs, which followed the
Valerio-Horatian law, was one of this character, for it attached a
criminal (and therefore a public) penalty to a derogation of duty to the
Plebeians. On the proposal of M. Duilius, the tribune, the Plebs resolved
that “any one who left the Plebs without tribunes or created a (plebeian)
magistrate without appeal should be scourged and executed.”[426] It
was a mode by which the Plebs tried to guard itself from any possible
surrender of its liberties such as that which had created the decemvirate.
The Plebs, thus secured in its original privileges, recognised as a
corporate body, and feeling, as a result of the Twelve Tables, that its
law was in the main the law of the state, began to aim at something
more than protection. From this time begins the continuous struggle
for the complete equalisation of the two orders. It was opened by the
tribune Canuleius in the year 445. He rightly held that social must
precede political equality, and proposed in the assembly of the Plebs
that marriage should be permitted between Patricians and Plebeians.[427]
The only reasonable objection which the consuls, representing the
feeling of the Patriciate, could bring forward against the measure, was
the time-worn pretext that was said to have influenced the decemvirs
in inserting the prohibition in their code, viz. that the Plebeians
had no auspices, and that the disappearance of a pure race would mean
a break in the chain which connected the state with heaven.[428] But
the pretext expressed the real fears of the Patriciate. Intermarriage
between the orders would break down the religious barrier which guarded
the consulship; this was the prize for which the Plebs was striving. In
fact a suggestion, emanating from the tribunes at the beginning of the
year, had already assumed the form of a _rogatio_ to the effect that
“the people should have power to choose consuls at its pleasure either
from the Plebs or from the _patres_.”[429] Over the marriage question
the usual contest ensued, and with the usual result. The consuls led
the opposition as long as they could; at last the Senate was beaten,
the magistrates were forced to bring the question before the people,
and marriage between the orders was legalised.[430] The tribunes
followed up their victory by pressing their measure for the opening
of the consulship. It was felt that open resistance would be useless;
and a device was resorted to which illustrates the Roman genius for
adaptability, for dignified political chicanery, and for satisfying at
the same time the demands of reason and prejudice. The immediate evil
felt was the irruption of the Plebeians into supreme office; but there
must have been for some time a growing sense that the executive machinery
of the state was by no means equal to the demands made on it.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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