Roman Public LifeGreenidge, A. H. J. (Abel Hendy Jones)
History
Roman Public Life
Greenidge, A. H. J. (Abel Hendy Jones)
Constitutional history -- Rome; Rome -- Politics and government
_pater_ again set forth and launched a charred spear (the prehistoric
weapon of hardened wood) into the territory of the offender, with words
setting forth the menace of war.[1387] When the struggle was over it was
he who struck the peace and the sacrificial victim with a flint-stone
which symbolised the watchful Jupiter (_Jupiter lapis_).[1388] The
sanctity of envoys, other than these priestly messengers, was as
rigorously observed in the Italian as in the Greek world. A violent death
on an embassy was a martyrdom deserving of immortality, and the ancient
Rostra in the Comitium showed a group of statues erected to those who had
met their fate in the cause of peace.[1389] The neutrality of ambassadors
was exacted with equal care, and the disaster of the Allia might be
looked on as a retribution for the impious precipitancy of the Fabii who,
forgetting their sacred character, fought in the ranks of Clusium against
the Celtic hordes.[1390]
In the agreements made by generals and envoys with a foreign people, the
idea, common to most primitive minds, that it is the oath which makes
the promise binding is strikingly present. We have already touched on
the vast constitutional import of this conception in its connexion with
the question, posed but never completely answered by the too patriotic
jurists: “Who could take the oath on behalf of the Roman people?” But
the theory which on the whole prevailed, that it could not be taken
by a general in the field, not only nullified the promise so made and
rendered it a mere agreement (_sponsio_), valid between citizens but
not between strangers, but exposed the rash swearer to the extremest
penalties. With a strange inconsistency of judgment it was held that the
oath, which was no oath, laid the guilt of perjury on the conscience of
the people, unless the man who had caused the people unwittingly to
sin was offered up as an atoning sacrifice. Naked and bound, like the
sacrificial human victim of prehistoric times prepared for the altar, the
_imperator_ was surrendered to the offended people. It is not surprising
that the latter—whether Samnites, Spaniards, or Numidians[1391]—refused
to take the worthless gift from the hands of the _pater patratus_, and
preferred to continue the conflict with a people still convicted of sin.
The individual oath to return, made by a prisoner of war released on
parole, though binding on his soul alone and, as a religious obligation,
not punishable by the civil arm, was enforced by the public conscience.
One—others said more than one—of the Roman captives sent by Hannibal
after Cannae to negotiate an exchange of prisoners declined to return
on the negotiations falling through. The pretext was that they had
revisited the camp of the conqueror _after_ the oath had been taken.
Tradition varied as to the punishment imposed by Rome; some spoke of a
summary arrest and enforced return to the Phoenician camp, others of a
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Elsewhere in the archive
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account