Roman Public LifeGreenidge, A. H. J. (Abel Hendy Jones)
History
Roman Public Life
Greenidge, A. H. J. (Abel Hendy Jones)
Constitutional history -- Rome; Rome -- Politics and government
The freedom of the cities, whether Latin or Italian, seems to have won
rigid respect from Rome and her magistrates. The burdens of military
service were, indeed, unevenly distributed between the central city and
her allies,[1458] while the spoils of war were mainly for the Roman. But
it was a shock and a surprise when in 173 B.C. a consul made personal
requisitions on the federate city of Praeneste.[1459] The lesson once
learnt was only too faithfully followed, and the illegal demands of Roman
officials were accompanied by acts of capricious violence.[1460] But
the burden of service and the misuse of power were not the only motives
urging the allies to seek the _civitas_ of Rome; nor was it merely a
sentimental desire to be invested with the Roman name. The citizenship
had a positive value both as a protection and a source of gain. The
protection against capital or corporal penalties tacitly accorded to
Romans by provincial governors could not be claimed by the allies, and,
although there is no evidence that Rome, in her final organisation
of the Italian confederacy, continued her early policy of inhibiting
_commercium_ between the towns, yet citizenship had a commercial value.
Ownership of land in the provinces was protected by the praetor and the
proconsul, but only when it was held by a Roman. To the Roman trade with
the barbarian was secure, to the Italian precarious; and everywhere
he had to face the competition of the commercial companies of Roman
knights. The grounds of interest coincided with those of sentiment
in producing a demand which the progressive party amongst the Romans
strove to meet. The first attempt was made through a law of the consul
Flaccus in 125 B.C.,[1461] the second by one of C. Gracchus in 121, the
latter law probably offering citizen rights to the Latins and Latin
rights to the other allies.[1462] The final proposal of Livius Drusus
in 91 was probably an unmodified extension of the _civitas_,[1463] and
it was the failure of this measure that led to the Italian revolt.
A new suggestion for a solution of the problem of the relations of
Rome to Italy sprang from the organisation of the hostile states. A
federal capital, Corfinium, now Italica, was created, and a provisional
federation of eight states formed, one which was intended ultimately
to embrace the whole of Italy. The Roman, or rather Italian, pattern
was followed in the new constitution; it possessed two consuls, twelve
praetors, and a senate of five hundred;[1464] but both the magistracies
and the senate were of a federal type. The issue of the war was to
determine whether Rome should remain the leading state or become a mere
member of an Italian confederation, although the unlikelihood of the
giant city’s settling down to this position may have appealed to some
of the federal leaders.[1465] Unless a redistribution of territory and
population had been effected, Rome would have been the Thebes of the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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